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This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.

Celem tekstu jest ukazanie kształtowania się chińskiego szkolnictwa wyższego, jako formy soft power. Chińskie szkolnictwo wyższe traktowane jest jako element soft power polityki międzynarodowej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Wykorzystanie instrumentu, jakim jest polityka szkolnictwa wyższego w postaci soft power możliwe jest dzięki dynamicznemu rozwojowi chińskich uczelni w ostatnich dwóch dekadach. Władze ChRL stawiają przed swoimi uczelniami ambitne cele, m.in. wprowadzenie kilkunastu uczelni do ligi najlepszych uniwersytetów świata. Chińskie uczelnie odchodzą od wzorca kultury organizacyjnej "copycat", rozwijając własną dynamikę innowacyjności uczelni, poprzez konsekwentne podnoszenie swoich pozycji w międzynarodowych rankingach. Jednocześnie jednak cele rozwojowe stawiane chińskim uczelniom powiązane są z globalną ekspansją gospodarczą ChRL. Dyplomacja naukowa Państwa Środka działa przede wszystkim poprzez Instytuty Konfucjusza. Uczelnie Unii Europejskiej stanowią cel strategiczny w tej polityce, gdyż posiadają one zasoby i praktyki konieczne do wzmocnienia uczelni chińskich. Artykuł analizuje wybrane aspekty użycia polityki uczelnianej jako soft power chińskiej dyplomacji. ; Higher education policy is an element of soft power in the international politics of the PRC. This has become possible because, for two decades, universities in China have been developing and undergoing profound changes. PRC authorities have set ambitious goals for their universities, e.g. making some of the universities top higher education institutions worldwide. Universities in China are abandoning the "copy-paste" pattern, developing their own technological innovations, and consistently raising their position in international rankings. Development goals set for Chinese universities are connected with the global economic expansion of the PRC. The scientific diplomacy of China is primarily executed through the Confucius Institutes network. European Union universities are a strategic goal of this policy as they possess the resources, practices and customs China needs to strengthen its universities. The paper analyzes selected issues of employing higher education policy as a soft power in Chinese diplomacy.

The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage. ; The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage.

"Ocena możliwości transportowych związanych z realizacją inicjatywy One Belt and One Road oraz znaczącym rozszerzeniem zakresu zbytu towarów o rynek chiński, także dla przedsiębiorstw z Polski, stała się główną inspiracją do podjęcia badań naukowych, których wyniki zaprezentowano w monografii. Tworząc powiązania z globalnymi łańcuchami wartości i rynkami eksportowymi, inicjatywa ta sprzyja rozwojowi polskiej gospodarki. Dzięki swojemu położeniu Polska ma szansę stać się centrum spedycyjnym czy hubem dla chińskiej gospodarki, umożliwiającym dystrybucję towarów do pozostałych państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej i odwrotnie. Publikacja jest adresowana do szerokiego kręgu odbiorców - naukowców, praktyków oraz młodzieży akademickiej - zainteresowanych bieżącymi trendami funkcjonowania globalnej logistyki."--

In the post-cold era, the economic and military power of the People's Republic of China is constantly growing. As a result, the rebirth of the idea of the protectionist economic policy, which has always been present in the American public debate, took place in the U.S. This idea is evidently reflected in the foreign policy of the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump. This article includes the analysis of the contemporary economic protectionism of the United States from the perspective of the offensive realism theory created by John Mearsheimer. The theory is based on three fundamental assumptions: the structure of the international system is anarchic, the primary goal of a state is to survive, for that reason states seek maximalization of their power. ; W epoce pozimnowojennej ma miejsce stały wzrost potęgi ekonomicznej oraz militarnej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Owa tendencja spowodowała odrodzenie idei protekcjonizmu gospodarczego w Stanach Zjednoczonych, która była wcześniej obecna w amerykańskiej debacie publicznej. Owa idea wyraźnie się przejawia w polityce obecnego Prezydenta USA Donalda Trumpa. Artykuł zawiera analizę współczesnego zjawiska protekcjonizmu gospodarczego USA z perspektywy teorii realizmu ofensywnego stworzonej przez Johna Mearsheimera, której podstawowymi założeniami są przekonanie o anarchicznej strukturze systemu międzynarodowego oraz o przetrwaniu jako naczelnym celu państwa, które w związku z tym dąży do maksymalizacji własnej potęgi.

The issue of energy resources in the PRC foreign and security policy is a relative novelty in Polish and foreign science. In this paper, the supply of key non-renewable energy resources such as coal, oil and natural gas to the State of China will be analyzed in detail. Own resources of individual fossil fuels, their consumption and import will be presented. The said data will be presented quantitatively in the form of tables and graphs. The selected timeframe, covering the years 1989 - 2012, will allow to analyze the change in the situation over several Chinese "five-year plans" (from "seven" to "twelfth"). The purpose of this analysis is to identify significant challenges and threats for the People's Republic of China due to the increasing use of raw materials such as coal, gas and oil. The author intends to answer the following questions: Is China a self-sufficient state in the supply of energy resources? What kind of energy resources prevail in China? For how long will Chinese resources last?

The paper presents Germany's position on the main challenges in cooperation between the European Union and the People's Republic of China in the second decade of the 21st century. The general conditions and objectives of EU cooperation with China, including the interests and objectives of Germany, are presented. This allowed to show the fundamental convergence of interests and aims of the EU and Germany in the policy towards China; they are focused on achieving mutual benefi ts in political and economic relations. In addition, the article discusses the perspectives of cooperation between the European Union/Germany and China, indicating the importance of advanced technologies as well as foreign aff airs and security in its framework. ; Artykuł prezentuje stanowisko Niemiec wobec głównych wyzwań we współpracy Unii Europejskiej z Chińską Republiką Ludową w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Przedstawiono ogólne uwarunkowania i cele współpracy UE z Chinami z uwzględnieniem interesów i celów RFN, co pozwoliło ukazać zasadniczą zbieżność interesów i celów UE, i Niemiec w polityce wobec Chin; są one skoncentrowane wokół osiągnięcia wzajemnych korzyści w stosunkach politycznych i gospodarczych. Ponadto w artykule omówiono perspektywy współpracy Unii Europejskiej/Niemiec z Chinami podkreślając na znaczenie zaawansowanych technologii, spraw zagranicznych i bezpieczeństwa.

Artykuł podejmuje analizę stanowiska Niemiec wobec międzynarodowych implikacji zacieśnienia współpracy Chin z Rosją w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Składa się on z trzech części: – Chiny i Rosja jako partnerzy Niemiec; – Niemcy wobec zacieśnienia współpracy Rosji z Chinami; – Rola Chin oraz Rosji w przekształcaniu systemu międzynarodowego w kontekście strategicznych interesów i celów Niemiec. Zasadnicza teza artykułu brzmi: Niemcy jako pierwszoplanowe państwo UE o interesach globalnych posiadają rozbudowaną współpracę z Chinami i Rosją, które jako państwa autorytarne działają w kierunku przekształcenia neoliberalnego systemu międzynarodowego na czele z USA w systemie multilateralnym. Oba kraje poprzez zacieśnienie współpracy polityczno-militarnej oraz gospodarczo-handlowej zmierzają do zwiększenia własnej roli międzynarodowej oraz osłabienia roli i pozycji USA. Ważnymi strategiami długofalowego rozwoju obu krajów są: Chin – Nowy Jedwabny Szlak (2013) oraz Rosji – Unia Euroazjatycka (2015). Procesowi postępujących międzynarodowych zmian układu sił towarzyszy szereg zagrożeń, napięć, konfliktów oraz innych wyzwań w skali globalnej, regionalnej oraz lokalnej. Poważnym wyzwaniem dla Zachodu jest polityka nowej administracji amerykańskiego prezydenta Donalda Trampa, która od 2017 r. preferuje własne interesy USA, zarówno w stosunku do Chin i Rosji, jak też wobec swoich partnerów oraz sojuszników transatlantyckich w UE oraz NATO. Prowadzi to również do narastania znacznych kontrowersji politycznych i gospodarczych między Niemcami a USA. Słowa kluczowe: Niemcy, implikacje międzynarodowe, współpraca, Chiny, Rosja ; The article raises the topic of analysis Germany's stance towards international implications of tightening relations between China and Russian in the second decade of the 21st century. It consists of three parts. – China and Russia as Germany's partners; – Germany vis-à-vis tightening of relations of Russia and China; – China's and Russia's role in transformation of international system in the context of German strategic interests and goals. The principal thesis of the article is as follows: Germany as the leading EU member state with global interests engaged in very developed cooperation with China and Russia which as authoritarian states act to transform neoliberal world order with the United States at the helm in multilateral system. Both countries through tightening of bilateral political-military as well as trade and economic cooperation head for augmentation of their international signifi cance as well as weakening of the role and position of the United States. Important strategies for long-term development of both states are: China – New Silk Road (2013), Russia – Eurasian Union (2015). The progressing process of the shift in international distribution of power is accompanied by a rash of threats, tensions, confl icts and other challenges on global, regional and local scale. The serious challenge for the West is the policy of the new U.S. presidential administration of Donald Trump, who since 2017 prefers realization the U.S. interests (America fi rst policy) both vis-à-vis to China and Russia, and toward the U.S. transatlantic partners and allies in the EU and NATO. It leads to accumulation of substantial political and economic controversies between Germany and the U.S. Key words: Germany, international implications, cooperation, China, Russia

People's Republic Of China Towards The Decomposition Of The Ussr And The Creation Of The New States In The Postsoviet SpaceIn the new geopolitical situation emerging during the disintegration of the Soviet Union (1991), China (PRC) quickly recognized the independence of all the fifteen post-Soviet republics, including Russia (now under a new name – the Russian Federation), two days after the end of existence of the Soviet Union created in 1922, and two days after Russia's recognition by the United States.PRC also quickly established diplomatic relations first with Russia (December 27, 1991) and then with all of them (in the period from January to June 1992). With the speed of action and strict compliance with the principle of "one China" in the establishment of diplomatic relations, none of the fourteen post-Soviet states has not taken even the attempt to establish political relations with Taiwan, which – also thanks to Beijing's effective diplomatic action remained in isolation in the former postsoviet political space. The exception was two years period of Latvian-Taiwan Relations (1992–1994), but in this case, Beijing has achieved success, displacing the Taiwanese competitor.

This essay investigates mutual relations between China, Russia and Ukraine during the five month groundbreaking period between November 2013 and March 2014, in which failed attempts to suppress anti-government demonstrations (in particular in the so-called Maidan) brought about a change of the government. Meanwhile Russia, taking advantage of political instability in Ukraine, contributed to further destabilization of the country and forced the annexation of Crimea. The essay features an account of these events along with an overview of the PRC's stand on them. The utterances of Chinese diplomats together with government press statements will be scrutinized here in order to answer the questions of whether Beijing intends to get more involved in solving world's crises than it used to up until now as well as whether it means to play a major role in the world's politics in general.