Suchergebnisse

The post-Mao era inaugurated a stage of deep review of the role of Communist Party(CCP) in Chinese society: from "revolutionary party" (geming dang) into "ruling party" (geming dang). This entailed a revised approach consisting in new method of selecting & promoting party's officials by emphasising qualifications as expertise, managerial skills, aptitude for encouraging economic development rather than ideological & political faithfulness. This new strategy succeeded in reaching a consensus of the growing middle class about the main political goals of Chinese regime & consequently in dampening political & social opposition by digging a huge break in social body. With regard to this strategy of cooptation & social segmentation the Jiang Zemin's theory of "three representatives" is emblematic. Though this expression of openness & efficiency keeps being obsessively confirmed in official speeches & in legislation the exercise of freedom in China is far from being guaranteed. The approach of managing power of past regime is still "in office" & rigorously practised in order to control the frequent turmoil of peasants. Likewise frequent initiatives of intellectuals who claim the authorities deny the people their rights are severely repressed. Nevertheless the sharp-eyed party's control on community does not prevent some expectations of change from being fulfilled. Greater & greater groups of intellectuals, lawyers, journalists are resorting to state legislation to get the basic rights recognised and, for this purpose, they don't hesitate to deliver any sort of information to Internet in order to smooth the authorities' reaction. These actions offer a glimmer of hope in Chinese scenario. Adapted from the source document.

Though the Confucian system of thought, society, and government has a long history in Korea, Chinese Confucian scholars, preoccupied with the urgency of "saving the Confucian essence" used only Japan as a reference in Asia. Therefore, the present article aims to introduce Dasan 茶山 (Jeong Yak-yong 정약용, 1762–1836), who was one of the main representatives of Korean Confucian philosophy. It exposes his significance for the full-range understanding of the landscape of this important traditional East Asian stream of thought as well as for the intellectual syntheses between Confucian teachings and the Christian religion. The author analyses Dasan's thought from the Sinological perspective and exposes several elements which represent an elaboration and an upgrading of traditional Chinese Neo-Confucian philosophy.

This paper examines the U.S. hegemonic role in imposing its copyright standards onto the Chinese, who hold fundamentally different cultural perceptions of copyright in terms of innovation, fair use, and the public domain. A thematic analysis of the transcripts of 45 in-depth interviews of the Chinese copyright holders and consumers via the theoretical lens of hegemony reveals the following. To obtain bigger market access and better protection of its intellectual property rights (IPR), the United States Trade Representative (USTR) has been coercive in universalizing its IPR standards and policies by establishing an internal interagency mechanism and an external network. The study suggests that both the United States and China need to adopt the golden mean to realize the goals of its respective copyright laws.

BASED ON INTERVIEWS CONDUCTED WITH THE CHINESE ELITE, RANGING FROM INTELLECTUALS TO EX-ARMY OFFICERS, THIS ARTICLES EXAMINES CHINESE SOCIETY BETWEEN 1978 AND 1988, THE 1988-89 PERIOD OF CRISIS, AND CHINA'S FUTURE PROSPECTS. THE AUTHOR ANALYZES THE RELATIVE PERFORMANCE OF THE AGRICULTURAL, RURAL-INDUSTRIAL, AND HEAVY INDUSTRIAL SECTORS AS WELL AS THE SPECIAL ECONOMIC ZONES OVER THIS PERIOD OF TIME. CHINA'S DEBT PROBLEMS, RECENT SPLITS WITHIN THE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY (PLA), THE COMMUNIST PARTY'S LOSS OF LEGITIMACY, AND THE RISE OF NEW INTEREST GROUPS ARE EXAMINED. THE AUTHOR CONCLUDES THAT PRESENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC TRENDS INDICATE CHINA WILL RETURN TO A PROGRAM OF ECONOMIC LIBERATION AND POLITICAL DECENTRALIZATION AFTER THE DEATH OF DENG.

The decision by France and the People's Republic of China (PRC) to establish diplomatic relations in late January 1964 has undergone relatively little scrutiny among scholars. Garret Martin's path-breaking article in the Winter 2008 issue of the JCWS is the most important account to date of this episode, but it focuses on the French side of the story. The account here provides a much fuller picture by drawing on declassified records of the PRC Foreign Ministry, official collections of formerly secret CCP documents, and materials from archives in former Soviet-bloc countries. These sources help illuminate two important but hitherto unknown or poorly understood aspects of Sino-French recognition in the period from August 1963 to January 1964: the French and Chinese thinking behind the decision to recognize each other, and the negotiation process itself. Adapted from the source document.

The reform decade in mainland China (1979-89) saw the publication of views about politics which no longer conformed to the older parameters. The author takes a look at these views (unorthodox Marxism, humanism, traditionalism, liberalism, neo-authoritarianism etc) and professional autonomy enjoyed by intellectuals. He notes the post-1989 repression presumably will not last forever and a survey of some of the unofficial currents of the 1980s may offer clues to the parameters of future Chinese political discourse. (DÜI-Sen)

AbstractThis paper uses the decade-long collaboration between the Indian paleobotanist Birbal Sahni (1891–1949) and his Chinese doctoral student Hsü Jen (Xu Ren 徐仁, 1910–1992) to offer a connected history of mid-twentieth century scientific activity in China and India. Possibly the first Chinese scientist to earn a PhD from an Indian university (Lucknow, 1946), Hsü was certainly the first to be appointed to a faculty position in India. Sahni and Hsü's attempts to build Asian networks of scientific activity, characterized by the circulation of experts, scientific knowledge, and specimens, provide the grounds for considering a practice of Pan-Asianism. Such a formulation adds to existing work on the Pan-Asianist articulations of intellectual and political figures and urges for an expansion of how we understand scientific activity across China and India from the 1930s to the 1960s. In so doing, the paper makes two historiographical interventions. In the first instance, the collaboration presents an opportunity to move beyond the two dominant frames through which histories of science in China and India are studied: the nation state and Non-West/West binaries. Second, a focus on science widens the scope of China–India history, a field dominated by research on cultural, intellectual, and diplomatic topics.

Abstract: Given the mixed signals and trends in China, it may be premature to identify a specific timeframe within which China will become Free or even Partly Free on the Freedom House scale. A more fruitful intellectual exercise might be to ask not when but how the Middle Kingdom could become Free. No one should underrate the will and skill that the ruling Chinese Communist Party will put into keeping its grip on power.

The student demonstrations of Dec 1986 were low key and confined to a few campuses, but had far reaching results, including the resignation of the CCP General-Secretary Hu Yaobang. This rocked the Chinese political system. Notes that the students thought they were doing what the CCP required them to do. Traces intellectual freedom in 1986, political conflict and leadership changes, the campaign against 'bourgeois liberalism' to consider future prospects. (PAS)

AbstractThis paper explores the unusually weak voice of Chinese war veterans in post-1949 politics society and culture. Although Chinese movies and television often feature military-related themes, it is rare to find frank and politicized depictions of China's military conflicts. In this respect, China departs sharply from the former Soviet Union—China's Leninist model for most of its formative years—as well as Vietnam, European inter-war fascist regimes and democracies. This paper argues that the relative weakness of authentic military voices in China can be traced to several peculiar features of modern Chinese history. The nature of warfare in China, as well as the absence of a national army, veteran organizations and a consensus over the legitimacy about China's wars, has led many to question the validity of veterans' claims for a higher political and cultural status. Rather than allow veterans the space to portray war as they experienced it, intellectual elites in various cultural and propaganda offices dominate national war memory, presenting a simplistic and artificial rendering of China's wars.

This prominent figure in discussions of Chinese theory addresses Jacques Derrida's interest in China &the extremely important place it held in his work. A collection of Derrida's essays published in the 1960s, Writing and Difference, was translated & introduced to Chinese-speaking intellectuals in 2001, the year of his only trip to China. This paper explores the introduction of postmodernism in the country in the 1990s as a "post-Tiananmen event." The deconstruction of 1980s enlightenment ideology heralded the new culture industry &, with it, the expansion of China's market economy. Though this opening to the "other" was not without criticism of Western centrism's power discourse, its criticism did not extend to China's own reality, or to interest in justice for the "other." The author draws on one of Derrida's essays, "Violence and Metaphysics: An Essay on the Thought of Emmanuel Levinas," to launch a reflective discussion on the ethics of Western metaphysics & the enlightenment spirit in contrast to Chinese cultural conservatism. Adapted from the source document.

The possibilities for Chinese reform are discussed in light of the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident & perestroika (restructuring) in the USSR. A brief review of the Cultural Revolution reveals historical reasons for the failure of modernization attempts, & the current emphasis on education is perceived as central to the economic & social development of contemporary China. However, the low status of intellectuals & concomitant low salaries are cited as major obstacles to current attempts at modernization; the Tiananmen uprising is understood as a response to these conditions. Demographic analysis of three Chinese age groups suggests grim tidings for national behavior in the year 2000. It is argued that the old guard of Chinese Communist Party leaders will have passed away, but that the new generation of leaders will be of poor quality due to the fact that their educational opportunities were severely restricted under the Cultural Revolution. Meanwhile, the one-child policy is also perceived to create a nation of self-centered "little emperors" rather than socially minded activists. 1 Table, 15 References. L. Baker

On December 7th, 2007, the Chinese government decided to place traditional festivals on the national calendar. This event, which can be considered a textbook example of "inventing tradition", reinforced the position of those who believe that the Communist Party uses the past in the service of an aggressive foreign policy and to reinforce national unity, which has been jeopardized by the disappearance of socialist ideology. Yet "genealogical" analysis of the decision process reveals that a phenomenon of convergence of interests and representations was at work, bringing together various milieu: Hong Kong deputies, intellectuals, economists, folklorists and businessmen. It also shows the obstacles -- among others, managing the flows brought about by an increased number of holidays in such a heavily populated country -- that the government encountered before ratifying the proposal. Yet China is now also a society of leisure. Proof of this can be found in the popular enthusiasm with which the government's initiative was greeted, especially among the urban middle class, who can now profit from new vacation periods. Adapted from the source document.