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A vast and hyper-centralized Asian empire built on the premise of an alleged cultural homogeneity. A small, federalist Alpine state sustained by the ideal of coexistence of different languages and religions. The differences between China and Switzerland could not be wider, and it is therefore understandable that the Swiss confederacy has been fascinating Chinese intellectuals in both the modern and contemporary era. In the late Qing and early Republican period, Switzerland was mentioned by prominent figures like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, who praised its democracy, and in the 1920s the Swiss political system became a source of inspiration for "provincial patriots" in Hunan or for Chinese federalists such as Chen Jiongming. The present paper intends to survey these political encounters and perceptions, focusing on the transformation of the Swiss institutional model and historical experience into a "political concept", and on the reasons for its final rejection as an unrealistic utopia unsuited for China.

At the end of the Qing Dynasty, the political science of the Occident began to spread into China. Chinese elites were fascinated by these brand new thoughts immediately. The goal of this research is to try to find the role of Rousseau's works in this 'great discovery' and their importance which has influenced Chinese intellectuals until now. ; À la fin de la dynastie Qing, la science politique occidentale a commencé à pénétrer en Chine et les élites chinoises se sont bientôt passionnées pour ces idées nouvelles à leurs yeux. L'objet de cette étude est de voir le rôle occupé par l'œuvre de Rousseau dans cette découverte et son importance dans les débats qui ont occupé les intellectuels chinois jusqu'à aujourd'hui.

At the end of the Qing Dynasty, the political science of the Occident began to spread into China. Chinese elites were fascinated by these brand new thoughts immediately. The goal of this research is to try to find the role of Rousseau's works in this 'great discovery' and their importance which has influenced Chinese intellectuals until now. ; À la fin de la dynastie Qing, la science politique occidentale a commencé à pénétrer en Chine et les élites chinoises se sont bientôt passionnées pour ces idées nouvelles à leurs yeux. L'objet de cette étude est de voir le rôle occupé par l'œuvre de Rousseau dans cette découverte et son importance dans les débats qui ont occupé les intellectuels chinois jusqu'à aujourd'hui.

At the end of the Qing Dynasty, the political science of the Occident began to spread into China. Chinese elites were fascinated by these brand new thoughts immediately. The goal of this research is to try to find the role of Rousseau's works in this 'great discovery' and their importance which has influenced Chinese intellectuals until now. ; À la fin de la dynastie Qing, la science politique occidentale a commencé à pénétrer en Chine et les élites chinoises se sont bientôt passionnées pour ces idées nouvelles à leurs yeux. L'objet de cette étude est de voir le rôle occupé par l'œuvre de Rousseau dans cette découverte et son importance dans les débats qui ont occupé les intellectuels chinois jusqu'à aujourd'hui.

A vast and hyper-centralized Asian empire built on the premise of an alleged cultural homogeneity. A small, federalist Alpine state sustained by the ideal of coexistence of different languages and religions. The differences between China and Switzerland could not be wider, and it is therefore understandable that the Swiss confederacy has been fascinating Chinese intellectuals in both the modern and contemporary era. In the late Qing and early Republican period, Switzerland was mentioned by prominent figures like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, who praised its democracy, and in the 1920s the Swiss political system became a source of inspiration for "provincial patriots" in Hunan or for Chinese federalists such as Chen Jiongming. The present paper intends to survey these political encounters and perceptions, focusing on the transformation of the Swiss institutional model and historical experience into a "political concept", and on the reasons for its final rejection as an unrealistic utopia unsuited for China. ; Ogromno in močno centralizirano azijsko cesarstvo je zgrajeno na predpostavki domnevne kulturne homogenosti, majhna, federalistična alpska država pa vztraja pri idealu sožitja različnih jezikov in religij. Razlike med Kitajsko in Švico ne bi mogle biti večje, zato je razumljivo, da je švicarska konfederacija kitajske intelektualce navduševala tako v modernem kot sodobnem času. V poznem obdobju dinastije Qing in zgodnjem republikanskem obdobju so Švico omenjale ugledne osebnosti, kot sta bila Kang Youwei in Liang Qichao, ki so hvalile njeno demokracijo, v dvajsetih letih pa je švicarski politični sistem postal vir navdiha za »provincialne domoljube« v Hunanu in kitajske federaliste, kot je Chen Jiongming. Pričujoči prispevek namerava raziskati ta politična soočanja in predstave s poudarkom na preoblikovanju tega švicarskega institucionalnega modela in zgodovinske izkušnje v »politični koncept« ter na razlogih za njegovo dokončno zavrnitev kot nerealistične utopije, neprimerne za Kitajsko.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau is one of the most important philosophers for the Chinese intellectuals in the 20e century. This study focuses firstly on different groups of society, not only the intellectuals, but also average people and they were inspired by Rousseau. Secondly, the historical materials the author employed are not limited to political commentaries, academic articles, but also included a number of novels, plays or other literary works. In order to provide a complete interpretation of this subject, the author employed especially the imperial exam papers in the late Qing, which is breakthrough of the early studies in the similar subject. Over all speaking, this thesis is an excellent exploration of the themes which author sets but there are still some problems which should be modified for further study, such as content about the complexity of the thinking of Rousseau. The first part of this thesis collects more than two hundred historical documents mentioned Rousseau. By analyzing the historical source according to the time, the authors and the species, the thesis reveals an overall historical course how the Rousseau's ideas spread in the late Qing Dynasty. The second part of the article focuses on the intellectual elite and how they accept and understand Rousseau's thoughts. According to the historical database of this thesis, at late Qing, Liang Qichao is the intellectual who advocated the most the ideas of Rousseau. His attitude towards Rousseau turns from the praise to suspect and finally to criticize, but from the perspective of the history of the human civilization, Liang always holds a "stable" position towards Rousseau. The revolutionary intellectuals elites have an special mode in propagation of Rousseau's thoughts. Their propaganda system is from shallow to deep, covering all sectors of society crowd. Yan fu, although he criticized the political philosophy of Rousseau, also recognized the contribution of Rousseau as educator. The third part deals with the popular literature, literary works, which ...

Jean-Jacques Rousseau is one of the most important philosophers for the Chinese intellectuals in the 20e century. This study focuses firstly on different groups of society, not only the intellectuals, but also average people and they were inspired by Rousseau. Secondly, the historical materials the author employed are not limited to political commentaries, academic articles, but also included a number of novels, plays or other literary works. In order to provide a complete interpretation of this subject, the author employed especially the imperial exam papers in the late Qing, which is breakthrough of the early studies in the similar subject. Over all speaking, this thesis is an excellent exploration of the themes which author sets but there are still some problems which should be modified for further study, such as content about the complexity of the thinking of Rousseau. The first part of this thesis collects more than two hundred historical documents mentioned Rousseau. By analyzing the historical source according to the time, the authors and the species, the thesis reveals an overall historical course how the Rousseau's ideas spread in the late Qing Dynasty. The second part of the article focuses on the intellectual elite and how they accept and understand Rousseau's thoughts. According to the historical database of this thesis, at late Qing, Liang Qichao is the intellectual who advocated the most the ideas of Rousseau. His attitude towards Rousseau turns from the praise to suspect and finally to criticize, but from the perspective of the history of the human civilization, Liang always holds a "stable" position towards Rousseau. The revolutionary intellectuals elites have an special mode in propagation of Rousseau's thoughts. Their propaganda system is from shallow to deep, covering all sectors of society crowd. Yan fu, although he criticized the political philosophy of Rousseau, also recognized the contribution of Rousseau as educator. The third part deals with the popular literature, literary works, which ...

Jean-Jacques Rousseau is one of the most important philosophers for the Chinese intellectuals in the 20e century. This study focuses firstly on different groups of society, not only the intellectuals, but also average people and they were inspired by Rousseau. Secondly, the historical materials the author employed are not limited to political commentaries, academic articles, but also included a number of novels, plays or other literary works. In order to provide a complete interpretation of this subject, the author employed especially the imperial exam papers in the late Qing, which is breakthrough of the early studies in the similar subject. Over all speaking, this thesis is an excellent exploration of the themes which author sets but there are still some problems which should be modified for further study, such as content about the complexity of the thinking of Rousseau. The first part of this thesis collects more than two hundred historical documents mentioned Rousseau. By analyzing the historical source according to the time, the authors and the species, the thesis reveals an overall historical course how the Rousseau's ideas spread in the late Qing Dynasty. The second part of the article focuses on the intellectual elite and how they accept and understand Rousseau's thoughts. According to the historical database of this thesis, at late Qing, Liang Qichao is the intellectual who advocated the most the ideas of Rousseau. His attitude towards Rousseau turns from the praise to suspect and finally to criticize, but from the perspective of the history of the human civilization, Liang always holds a "stable" position towards Rousseau. The revolutionary intellectuals elites have an special mode in propagation of Rousseau's thoughts. Their propaganda system is from shallow to deep, covering all sectors of society crowd. Yan fu, although he criticized the political philosophy of Rousseau, also recognized the contribution of Rousseau as educator. The third part deals with the popular literature, literary works, which reveals an overview how the enlightenment values of Rousseau thought inspiring the Chines at late Qing. By analyzing the imperial exam papers, especially in the part of "policy question", the thesis discovers a split phenomenon in the class of the gentry, which shows the challenges and their answers of the gentry as defenders of the traditional social order at the late Qing Dynasty. ; Jean-Jacques Rousseau est l'un des philosophes les plus importants pour les intellectuels chinois dans le XXe siècle. Cette étude se concentre d'abord sur les différents groupes de la société, pas seulement les intellectuels, mais aussi la moyenne des gens et comment ils ont été inspirés par Rousseau. Deuxièmement, les documents historiques employés ne sont pas limités à des commentaires politiques, des articles académiques, mais sont également inclus un certain nombre de romans, de pièces de théâtre ou d'autres œuvres littéraires. Afin de donner une interprétation complète de ce sujet, l'auteur emploie surtout les copies d'examen impérial à la in des Qing, qui est une percée des sources historiques sur le thème similaire. En résumé cette thèse est une exploration de ce thème mais il ya encore quelques problèmes qui devraient être modifiés pour les études plus approfondies comme la complexité de la pensée de Rousseau en Chine. La première partie de la thèse rassemble plus de deux cents documents historiques mentionnant Rousseau. En analysant les sources historiques selon le temps, les auteurs et les types, la thèse révèle un parcours historique : comment se propagent les idées de Rousseau à al fin des Qing? La deuxième partie de l'article se concentre sur l'élite intellectuelle et la façon dont elle accepte et comprend les pensées de Rousseau. Selon la base de données historiques de cette thèse, à la fin des Qing, Liang Qi-Chao est l'intellectuel qui a le plus promu les idées de Rousseau. Son attitude envers Rousseau se détourne de la louange et soupçonne et critique. Du point de vue de l'historie de la civilisation humaine, Liang détient toujours une position "stable" sur Rousseau. Les élites révolutionnaires ont eu un mode de propagation spécial de la pensée de Rousseau. Leur système de propagande a couvert tous les secteurs de la société. Yan Fu, malgré qu'il ait critiqué la philosophie politique de Rousseau, a également reconnu la contribution de Rousseau en tant qu'éducateur. La troisième partie traite de la littérature populaire, des œuvres littéraires, qui révèlent comment les valeurs des Lumières de Rousseau ont inspiré les Chinois à la fin de Qing. En analysant les feuilles d'examen impérial, en particulier dans le cadre de "stratégie-question", la thèse montre un phénomène de "conflit" au sein de la gentry à propos de Rousseau et dévoile les défis et les réponses de la gentry, en tant que défenseur de l'ordre social traditionnel à la fin de la dynastie Qing.

Titel, Danksagung, Inhaltsverzeichnis Einleitung 1\. Goethe in China - ein Überblick 2\. Goethe als Mensch und Dichter in den chinesischen Auffassungen 3\. Faust - Rezeption in China 4\. Chinesische Goethe-Biographien Abschließende Zusammenfassung Bibliographie ; Die Dissertation geht der Frage nach, wie Goethe und seine literarischen Werke im vergangenen Jahrhundert, in dem die technischen und geistigen Entwicklungen des Westen immer mehr die chinesische Gesellschaft beeinflussten, von chinesischen Intellektuellen verstanden wurden. Das chinesische Goethe-Bild wird nicht nur zusammenfassend, durch Analysen der verschiedenartigen Goethe- Darstellungen, sondern auch detailliert, anhand von Untersuchungen der Interpretationen der einzelnen Goethe-Werke, insbesondere der Faust- Rezeptionen präsentiert. Darüber hinaus wird es versucht, die Bedeutung der Goetheschen Lebens- und Literaturauffassungen auf einzelnen chinesischen Intellektueller und ferner auf die neueren literarischen Entwicklungen in China herauszuarbeiten. Die Untersuchungen der chinesischen Goethe-Rezeption zielt darauf, die realen Verbindungen sowie die Annährungsschwierigkeiten zwischen chinesischer und westlicher Kultur besser zu verstehen. Es werden dabei die politischen, ideologischen und ökonomischen Hintergründe betrachtet. Die Untersuchungen zielen auch darauf, die kulturellen Potenziale, die in den Wurzeln der chinesischen und der abendländischen Kultur liegen und die China und den Westen geistig näher bringen können, durch Darstellung der Goethe- Rezeption zu verdeutlichen, um der Forschung auf diesem Gebiet Anregungen zu geben. ; The thesis works on the answer to the question of how Goethe and his literature were understood by Chinese intellectual people in the past century, as the development of science and thinking in the west influenced the Chinese society more and more. It describes the Chinese reception of Goethe not only in summary with analyses of the different representations about Goethe, but also in detail through study of ...

The new economic importance of the Chinese economy has created Chinese expectations that the country will be able to regain a political and cultural position in the world in accordance with this economic status. But for China to become a respected member of world society, one of the most severe obstacles is its, from a western perspective, undemocratic political system. The article describes the lively debate going on among Chinese intellectuals of diverse political-ideological convictions about what kind of democracy should be the model for China's future political system. The liberally oriented intellectuals want a political system very much like American liberal constitutional democracy, while intellectuals on the left side of the political spectrum want a democracy with a clear socialist basis. Although Chinese intellectuals form a minority in society, these intellectual debates are sure to have influence on both public opinion and opinions and attitudes among political decision makers inside the Chinese Communist Party. Further investigations will have to establish to what degree the perceptions of China's political future and democratization are reflected in the political attitudes among the Chinese in general, and how they are perceived inside the confines of political decision making in the Chinese Communist Party. Only then will it be possible to answer the questions: "What kind of democracy do the Chinese want?" and "What kind of democracy are the Chinese going to get?"

Creating the Intellectual redefines how we understand relations between intellectuals and the Chinese socialist revolution of the last century. Under the Chinese Communist Party, "the intellectual" was first and foremost a widening classification of individuals based on Marxist thought. The party turned revolutionaries and otherwise ordinary people into subjects identified as usable but untrustworthy intellectuals, an identification that profoundly affected patterns of domination, interaction, and rupture within the revolutionary enterprise. Drawing on a wide range of data, Eddy U takes the reader on a journey that examines political discourses, revolutionary strategies, rural activities, urban registrations, workplace arrangements, organized protests, and theater productions. He lays out in colorful detail the formation of new identities, forms of organization, and associations in Chinese society. The outcome is a compelling picture of the mutual constitution of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution, the legacy of which still affects ways of seeing, thinking, acting, and feeling in what is now a globalized China.

by Lee Ching, Jane. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1992. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-150). ; PREFACE --- p.iv ; CHAPTER ; Chapter 1. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Literature Review ; Research Scope and Area ; Methodology and Research Sources ; Notes ; Chapter PART I: --- STATE --INTELLECTUAL POLICY OF THE PRC ; Chapter 2. --- THE EVOLUTION OF THE PARTY-STATE'S POLICIES TOWARDS INTELLECTUALS --- p.26 ; The Party's Policies toward Intellectuals Before1978 ; Policies toward Intellectuals after1978 ; Notes ; Chapter PART II: --- INTELLECTUALS-- A STUDY OF THE GENERATION OF CHINESE INTELLECTUALS THAT IS AS OLD AS THE REPUBLIC ; Chapter 3. --- "THE ORIENTATION AND VALUES OF ""THE GENERATION AS OLD AS THE REPUBLIC""" --- p.62 ; Historical Environment ; Distinctive Characteristics ; Values and Roles ; Notes ; Chapter 4. --- MARCHING TOWARDS THE FUTURE --- p.97 ; The Way They Were ; Perceptions and Evaluation of their Generation ; On Intellectuals ; On China's Future: Modernization ; Notes ; CONCLUSION: CONVERGENCE OF THE TWAIN ; Chapter 5. --- CONCLUSION --- p.120 ; Convergence of the Twain ; Intellectuals and Reform ; Epilogue ; Notes ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.134

This book offers a new analysis of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution. Under the Chinese Communist Party, the intellectual was never simply an outspoken scholar, a browbeaten artist, a supportive official, or any kind of person facing an increasingly powerful political regime. The intellectual was first and foremost a widening classification of people based on Marxist thought. As the party turned revolutionaries and otherwise perfectly ordinary people into subjects identified locally as intellectuals, their appearance profoundly affected the political thinking of the party elites and how they organized the revolution, as well as postrevolutionary Chinese society. Drawing on a wide range of data, Eddy U takes the reader on a fascinating journey that examines political discourses, revolutionary strategies, rural activities, official registrations, organized protests, work organizations, and theater productions. The book lays out in colorful details the formation of new identities and new patterns of organization, association, and calculus. The outcome is a compelling picture of the mutual constitution of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution, the impact of which is still visible in globalized China.

Many commentators have in the past hailed the production in China of lower cost versions of famous Chinese and international cultural and media products, better known as a shanzhai (山寨) form of production. Against that, this paper argues that there has been a significant move away from a copycat model in the Chinese creative industries, a trend which should be viewed within the context of China's obligations as a full member of the WTO. This paper argues that the way in which online video industries have developed and innovated over the last 14 years in China has changed in that online video industries are constantly mutating their business models in response to lawsuits for IP violations instead of simply aligning with existing regulations. By doing that, they are indirectly adapting their business models to local legislation relating to the protection of IP for domestic and international content.

This thesis sets to sketch Chinese intellectuals' sustained efforts to search for an alternative modernity to the Western model throughout the twentieth century, and uncover the interaction between intellectual politics and Chinese modernity discourse by historicizing and contextualizing Chinese modernity discourse. This study starts with delineating the consistence and the inconsistence of Chinese modernity discourses by juxtaposing different historical conditions and examining reappeared trends of thoughts. Three intellectual currents, i.e., cultural conservatism, humanism, and professionalism, which emerged in the May Fourth period and remerged in the post-socialist condition, are examined to mirror the spiral dynamics and the locus of Chinese modernity. Their respective roles in reconstructing Chinese cultural, ethical and academic orders in response to Western model of modernity are highlighted in the research. Cultural conservatism attempts to legitimize the Chinese culture in the framework of global modernity by resetting or reinterpreting the dialectical relation between the whole and part, universalism, and essentialism. Humanism emphasizes the standard, the guidance of authority, and the self-perfection to resist the ethical disorder caused by the so-called "modern spirit", which is embodied by individualism, romanticism, and the immoderate expansion of desire. Professionalism influences the pattern of producing and reproducing knowledge about modernity by re-standardizing the academic and the discursive fields and by remolding the identity of the agents. After exposing how the "alternative modernity" in China, as a discursive-political device, has been produced and repackaged with various contents and meanings, this thesis proceeds to explore the intellectual pedestal of Chinese modernity discourses from two aspects. First, how do the intellectual strategies of self-positioning and position-taking influence knowledge production and reproduction of the Chinese modernity discourse; second, how articulation and re-articulation of modernity discourse reflect the self-adjustments of intellectual politics as well as identity shifts. Through the comparative and diachronic examinations, it poses that, as Chinese modernity discourse is increasingly served as a symbolic capital or a strategy of intellectual politics, it gradually loses its authenticity or even becomes a signifier without signified. Meanwhile, the state-led modernization practice is reversely becoming homogenous, stable, and less diverse, although the dominant ideology, namely, socialism with Chinese characteristics, is, in itself, hybrid, paradoxical, and strategically manufactured. ; published_or_final_version ; Comparative Literature ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy