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AbstractOne hundred years after the 1911 Revolution (Xinhai Revolution) in China, its meaning continues to be highly contested. Paradoxically, the more time that passes, the less certain either political actors or scholars seem to be about the significance of 1911 for the path of Chinese revolutionary history. This essay examines three phenomena: the appropriation of 1911 in contemporary political and popular culture; the use of 1911 as a metaphor for contemporary politics by PRC historians; and the changing meaning of 1911 over the past ten decades, particularly during the years of the war against Japan. The essay concludes that it is precisely the "unanchored" nature of 1911, separated from any one path of historical interpretation, that has kept its meaning simultaneously uncertain and potent.

The Cultural Revolution is a great campaign that made China suffered paralysis in 1966-1976 led by Mao. The Cultural Revolution because there are two factors, the first is the decline of public trust in Mao for policy failures leap far ahead so that Mao stepped down from government. Secondly, Mao wanted to restore China to communism, because China has been influenced by the understanding of the capitalist and liberal. The Cultural Revolution has failed and resulted in many victims, especially the peasants and workers. These conditions cause this interesting study to be carried out, because of the Cultural Revolution can paralyze China in 1966-1976. The problems of this study are; (1) how the background of the onset of the Cultural Revolution; (2) how the Cultural Revolution took place; (3) the influence of the Cultural Revolution to the Chinese community. The purpose of this study is; (1) to analyze the background of the Cultural Revolution; (2) to analyze the process of the Cultural Revolution; (3) to analyze the influence of the Cultural Revolution to the Chinese community. The method used is the method of historical study, historical method is the process of testing and critically analyze the records and relics of the past. The conclusion of this study that used Mao's Cultural Revolution to restore public confidence by doing defamation to his enemies to again be the leader. The results of the Cultural Revolution is a great famine, causing many casualties. Keywords :Revolution, Culture, Cina

Socialist Cosmopolitanism offers an innovative interpretation of literary works from the Mao era that reads Chinese socialist literature as world literature. As Nicolai Volland demonstrates, after 1949 China engaged with the world beyond its borders in a variety of ways and on many levels—politically, economically, and culturally. Far from rejecting the worldliness of earlier eras, the young People's Republic developed its own cosmopolitanism. Rather than a radical break with the past, Chinese socialist literature should be seen as an integral and important chapter in China's long search to find a place within world literature. Socialist Cosmopolitanism revisits a range of genres, from poetry and land reform novels to science fiction and children's literature, and shows how Chinese writers and readers alike saw their own literary production as part of a much larger literary universe. This literary space, reaching from Beijing to Berlin, from Prague to Pyongyang, from Warsaw to Moscow to Hanoi, allowed authors and texts to travel, reinventing the meaning of world literature. Chinese socialist literature was not driven solely by politics but by an ambitious—but ultimately doomed—attempt to redraw the literary world map.

Creating Chinese Urbanism describes the landscape of urbanisation in China, revealing the profound impacts of marketisation on Chinese society and the consequential governance changes at the grassroots level.
During the imperial and socialist periods, state and society were embedded. However, as China has been becoming urban, the territorial foundation of 'earth-bound' society has been dismantled. This metaphorically started an urban revolution, which has transformed the social order derived from the 'state in society'. The state has thus become more visible in Chinese urban life.
Besides witnessing the breaking down of socially integrated neighbourhoods, Fulong Wu explains the urban roots of a rising state in China. Instead of governing through autonomous stakeholders, state-sponsored strategic intentions remain. In the urban realm, the desire for greater residential privacy does not foster collectivism. State-led rebuilding of residential communities has sped up the demise of traditionalism and given birth to a new China with greater urbanism and state-centred governance.
Taking the vantage point of concrete residential neighbourhoods, Creating Chinese Urbanism offers a cutting-edge analysis of how China is becoming urban and grounds the changing state governance in the process of urbanization. Its original and material interpretation of the changing role of the state in China makes it suitable reading for researchers and students in the fields of urban studies, geography, planning and the built environment.

SPECIALISTS on Chinese communism are in the habit of brushing responsibility for strange or abhorrent phenomena off onto Soviet Russia. This may be largely justified; communism is clearly a foreign import in China, whatever the reasons for its success or the extent of its adaptation. But to an observer whose understanding of communism is based primarily on the study of Soviet Russia, the history of Chinese communism—now a full decade of national rule, following nearly thirty years of evolution—presents a number of peculiarities. Comparison with Russia suggests several lines of interpretation which may shed light on the past and present status of communism in China and the Far East.

The following two sets of notes from my files bear on the role of the Communist International in China in the 1920s. The references to them in my book, The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution, have been so frequently cited that I must assume that their full text will be found of some value by interested scholars. This is especially true of the first one, a memorandum based on an interview I had on 19 August 1935 with H. Sneevliet, the Dutch left-wing socialist who, under the name of Maring, went to China in 1921 as a representative of the Comintern. The second is a set of notes written at my request in Paris in 1935 by Albert Treint, who represented the French Communist Party on the Chinese sub-committee of the Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Comintern in Moscow in May 1927.

"The book makes accessible a selection of speeches and television appearances by Fidel Castro during the first two years of the Cuban Revolution. Readers can trace the evolution of this legendary leader's radical political thought and analyze his extraordinary capacity for overcoming adverse political and ideological circumstances in a constant movement towards a socialist ideal. The work is organized chronologically with introductory presentations prepared by Cuban experts José Bell, Tania Caram and Delia Luisa López and includes a glossary and bibliography. The methodology of this work is original and includes material from 1959 not previously published elsewhere"--

"What is the Commune, that sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind?" asked Marx as he began to offer his answer to the riddle his question implied. From the plethora of discussion evoked over the course of the ensuing century by the events in Paris during the 72 days from 18 March until 29 May 1871, it seems clear that Marx's explanation notwithstanding, the Commune has proven sphinx-like and tantalizing not only to the bourgeois mind, but to the socialist and communist minds as well.

Includes bibliographical references (p. [277]-292) and index ; As the first comprehensive study of Chinese fiction of the Cultural Revolution, this pioneering work explores the position of the literature of this turbulent period in the context of contemporary China. The book covers the choice of subject matter, authorship and readership of Cultural Revolution fiction. It analyses the characterization of heroes promoted in the literary and artistic field during this period. By comparing Cultural Revolution fiction with the fiction of the preceding period, with Soviet fiction and with some traditional Chinese and Western fiction, this analysis emphasizes the ideological and cultural significance of the characteristics shown in the heroes' personal background and their physical, temperamental and behavioural qualities etc. The book also contains a comprehensive linguistic study focusing on lexical style. This investigation presents the density and distribution of stylistic items concerning narrators and characters, the general fictional language style, and the relation between the general style and the authors' individual language style ; published_or_final_version ; List of Tables ; Foreword ; Preface ; Introduction p1 ; Conclusion p215 ; Tables p227 ; Notes p249 ; Select Bibliography p277 ; Glossary p311 ; Index p335 ; Pt. I Characterization of the Main Heroes p33 ; Pt. II Lexical Style p121 ; App. 1 The 24 CR Agricultural Novels p291 ; App. 2 Annotated Bibliography of Novels of the Cultural Revolution p293 ; 1 Personal Background p39 ; 2 Physical Qualities p49 ; 3 Ideological Qualities p61 ; 4 Temperamental and Behavioural Qualities p75 ; 5 Prominence Given to the Main Heroes p97 ; 6 Vulgar Expressions p129 ; 7 Ideological Expressions p147 ; 8 Idioms, Proverbs, Xiehouyu, and Classical Verses p165 ; 9 'Bookish' and 'Colloquial' p181 ; 10 Dialectal Expressions p187 ; 11 Military Words and Expressions p193 ; 12 Meteorological Vocabulary and Inflated Expressions p203 ; 13 The Vocabulary Style in General Perspective p211

The comparison of the revolutionary movements, the seizure of power by the Communists, and the establishment and evolution of totalitarian régimes in Russia and China is a vast field of study in which little work has yet been achieved. The obvious obstacle is of course the scarcity of scholars in the non-Communist world who are familiar with the language, culture and history of both Russia and China. A truly formidable intellectual equipment is required. Dr. Karl Wittfogel and Dr. Benjamin Schwarz are outstanding among the few who possess it. One hopes that among the rising generations of the western nations the necessary combination of knowledge will become more frequent. Meanwhile those of us who have specialised in the Russian or East European field must learn what we can of China from secondary works and from those original documents which are available in translation. Well aware of the inadequacy of our understanding of Chinese affairs, we can only put to our Sinological colleagues problems which have arisen in the history of the Soviet or European Communist movements or regimes, and ask their opinions on the relevance of these problems, or on the reasons why they are not relevant, to China. It is in this spirit that the following observations are offered, as a contribution not to knowledge but to discussion. The points which I wish to raise are mainly concerned with the relationship of the Communist movement to social classes during its rise to nower.

Finding Women in the State is a provocative hidden history of socialist state feminists maneuvering behind the scenes at the core of the Chinese Communist Party. These women worked to advance gender and class equality in the early People's Republic and fought to transform sexist norms and practices, all while facing fierce opposition from a male-dominated CCP leadership from the Party Central to the local government. Wang Zheng extends this investigation to the cultural realm, showing how feminists within China's film industry were working to actively create new cinematic heroines, and how they continued a New Culture anti-patriarchy heritage in socialist film production. This book illuminates not only the different visions of revolutionary transformation but also the dense entanglements among those in the top echelon of the party. Wang discusses the causes for failure of China's socialist revolution and raises fundamental questions about male dominance in social movements that aim to pursue social justice and equality. This is the first book engendering the PRC high politics and has important theoretical and methodological implications for scholars and students working in gender studies as well as China studies