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Historian T. Jakovina spoke with the diplomat and ambassador Cvijeto Job. Job took part in the Second World War on the side of the Partisan movement, when he became a member of the Communist Party. The first diplomatic assignments of Cvijeto Job were in Oslo and London. Already in 1950 he is a member of the Yugoslavian diplomatic mission to the United Nations in New York. From 1962 to 1968 he is an advisor to the press in the Yugoslavian embassy in Washington. Following that he returns to Yugoslavia as chief of the Department for the United States of America and Canada in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs, and from 1971 to 1976 he is advisor to the Security Council for the Yugoslavian mission at the UN and the deputy ambassador. From 1980 to 1984 he was named the Yugoslavian ambassador to Cyprus. He was retired in 1989, until which time he had served as chief of the Group for planning politics (GZZP) in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs (SSIP). He left Yugoslavia in 1991 to reside in the United States. He was an associate of the United States Institute of Peace, and now he is an associate of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington.

The author looks at a book with the promising title Law and Revolution, particularly, promising to those prone to think about law strategically. Starting from the main points of the book & of some interpretations of legal history that qualify these points, the author then demonstrates how negligible appear to be the possibilities of strategic action in the renewal & development of Croatian law. Adapted from the source document.

Using the example of Vojvodina, the author looks into the connection between the "socialist ideology" & the anti-Western orientation. The survey, conducted in Subotica, focuses on the influence of ethnic origin, education, migratory history, & the participation of a respondent's family in the Partisan resistance movement on the latent configuration of certain political orientations (subdimension of "socialist ideology") & the anti-Western orientation. The author claims there are four relatively independent latent dimensions of "socialist ideology": (1) Yugo-nostalgia, (2) Collectivist/statist orientation, (3) Militarist/statist orientation, & (4) Egalitarianism. The study has shown that, basically, the anti-Western orientation is one of the components of the socialist ideological pattern. The "militarist anti-Western orientation" is demonstrated by the Serbs who moved to Subotica between WWI & the recent war on the territory of the former SFR Yugoslavia. Apart from these Serbs -- & unlike the other ethnic groups -- this "militarist anti-Western orientation" is also noticeable in a fraction of Croats from Backa (Bunjevci) who have stated as their nationality "only" -- Bunjevci (Backa Croats). Besides, the study has shown that lower social classes harbor a kind of "socialist anti-Western orientation." The anti-Western orientation, which the author labels as the "Yugo-nostalgic anti-Western orientation," is held by those respondents whose relatives were involved in the Partisan movement. 15 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

After the first elections for the federal parliament (Bundestag) of unified Germany in Dec 1990, one new party gained entrance into the Bundestag: the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). This party is the successor party of the United Socialist Party of Germany (SED), the ruling communist party in East Germany. The PDS is still represented in the Bundestag; it also has representatives in all lander parliaments of the eastern German regions, & is the third strongest party overall, & in some eastern German towns, the strongest party. To explain the PDS's excellent electoral results & its political clout, the author analyzes the party's ideological/programmatic goals, as well as the social conflicts it articulates in the German party system. The PDS represents the anti-Western social milieu, which includes 20% of the population of eastern Germany. Although the PDS has been trying to shed its communist legacy, its attitude toward the elements of the liberal/democratic regime has remained ambivalent since its members & voters demonstrate a significant antidemocratic potential. 12 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

In light of the dramatic events in Serbian political society, the author looks into the most fundamental question of the political theory of constitutionalism: the way in which a revolution can reach its apogee in a viable form of constitutional government. The liberal revolution in Serbia enabled the collective identity to be redefined on the basis of constitutional patriotism. The author thinks that constitutional patriotism may be a good basis for a reconstruction of the political regime beyond the nation-state. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Taking into consideration all the benefits & pitfalls of its political, economic, military, & cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth & improvement of the standard of living conducive to political & social stability of Chinese society & state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily & partially, while the final result depends primarily on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system & the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, China is faced with the central choice of equitable participation in the global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms & principles (beginning with the UN) & international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection, etc. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence & the possibility of choice & political independence of the Chinese state. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes recent Chinese foreign policy, which was influenced by two events: the Tienanmen incident & the fall of the Berlin wall. China began to open up in the early 1980s when it adopted the policy of reforms & openness. This kind of foreign policy went hand in hand with domestic economic reforms. The Tienanmen military crackdown on the democratic movement affected the domestic reforms as well as the foreign policy orientation of China whose goal was to overcome its isolationist tendencies. The author looks into the position of the Chinese foreign policy regarding SFR Yugoslavia & its successor states. He also provides an analysis of the place & role of the Republic of Croatia in Chinese foreign policy. The author concludes that the conditions for expanding the cooperation between the Republic of Croatia & the People's Republic of China are quite auspicious. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

Autor polazi od stava da je za kritičko razumijevanje postsocijalizma (kojeg uvjetno određuje kao stanje i proturiječni procesi u Istočnoj Europi nakon demokratske revolucije) i njegovih razvojnih perspektiva upravo primjeren koncept civilnog društva. Upućuje na tri različite društvene struje koje su doprinjele obnovi problematike civilnog društva: neoliberalizam, postmarksizam i disidentski građanski otpor totalitarizmu. Zatim utvrđuje pojam civilnog društva, u smislu koji je dobio u novovjekovnim teorijama prirodnog prava. Na tom tragu precizira vlastito određenje ovog pojma kao analitičkog oruđa za analizu socijalizma i postsocijalizma. Kad je riječ o socijalizmu ukazuje na stalnu napetost između države i neautonomnog ali »realnog socijalističkog društva«, u kome se uvijek iznova javljaju klice autonomne civilne sfere. Na kraju raspravlja o (ne)ispunjenju tri temeljne pretpostavke civilnog društva u aktualnim postsocijalističkim procesima na europskom Istoku, uključujući Hrvatsku i Jugoslaviju. ; The author expresses the opinion that for a critical understanding of postsocialism (which he conditionally defines as the situation and contradictory processes in Eastern Europe after the democratic revolution) and its development perspectives, the most adequate is the concept of civil society. He indicates three different social currents which contributed to the renewal of the civil society issue: neoliberalism, post-Marxism and the dissident civil opposition to totalitarianism. He then determines the concept of civil society within the meaning it had obtained in the modem theories of natural law. Following this line of thought he specifies his own definition of this concept as an analytical means for studying socialism and postsocialism. When it is a question of socialism, he indicates the constant tension between the state and unautonomous but »real socialist society«, in which new seeds of the autonomous civil sphere keep appearing over and over again. Finally, he discusses the non-fulfilment of the three fundamental pre-suppositions for civil society in contemporary postsocialist processes in the European East, including Croatia and Yugoslavia.

By means of a comparative analysis of the available data, we can divide intelligence organizations into three groups of models, provisionally called American, British, & (the former) Soviet. These models have at the same time served as a basis for building intelligence systems in other states. Unlike the other two systems, the co-called British model of intelligence organization includes the central organization that coordinates the operation of all the others. The British intelligence system is made up of independent services located within different ministries, whose activities are coordinated by the cabinet or its working bodies. 1 Diagram, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.