Suchergebnisse

In discussing the results of the Belgian local elections of 8 October 2006 the media devoted most attention to Antwerp. Not only because it is Flanders biggest city, but especially because of the remarkable result of mayor Patrick Janssens & his socialist party (Sp.a-Spirit). They won over 35% of the votes & became the biggest party of the city, a position that was taken by the extreme right party for more than ten years. In this article we tried to map & explain the so called 'Janssens-effect.' By analyzing the election results & the data of an (inter-university) Internet panel we managed to prove that Patrick Janssens had a large share in the victory of his party. A lot of citizens of Antwerp that normally would not vote for the socialist party supported Janssens. To explain this personal success we suggested four plausible motives: the perceived qualities of Janssens as a Mayor; his presidential campaign; the attention of & performance in the media; & finally the statement against extreme right. Our panel data suggest that a combination of these motives can explain the Janssens-effect. The appreciation for Janssens as a very capable mayor was present among the electorate long before the campaign started. This appreciation became the basis for his electoral success. The fact that many voters decided to switch to Janssens in the months & weeks before the election is related to his campaign & the media-attention it generated. The media strengthened the image of Antwerp as a polarized city. Especially the voters that changed their vote intention during the campaign were convinced that supporting Janssens was the most explicit signal against the extreme right image of their city. Tables, Figures, Image. Adapted from the source document.

UNTIL 1971, THE BELGIAN SOCIALIST PARTY (BSP) WAS THE ONLY POLITICAL PARTY THAT CLOSELY & SYSTEMATICALLY INVOLVED ITS MEMBERS IN THE DESIGNATION OF SOCIALIST CANDIDATES FOR PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS. THIS WAS ACHIEVED THROUGH A SYSTEM OF PREELECTIONS WITHIN THE PARTY ('POLLING'). THE TREND AWAY FROM 'POLLING' ALREADY PERCEPTIBLE IN 1971, HAS ASSERTED ITSELF IN 1974. ABOUT 56% OF THE ELECTED MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT OWE THEIR SEAT TO THEIR PLACE ON THE CANDIDATE- LIST AT THE 'POLL'. MORE THAN 40% OF THEM WERE DESIGNATED BY A PARTY-CONGRESS. THIS CHANGE IS NOTICEABLY TRUE IN FLANDERS. THE CHOICE BETWEEN A 'POLL' & A CONGRESS AS A DECISION-MAKING TECHNIQUE IS NOT RELEVANT AS TO THE RENEWAL OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS. THIS RENEWAL IS MAINLY DUE TO THE INTRODUCTION OF AN AGE-LIMIT (65) & OF A GAIN IN SEATS. A GROWING LACK OF INTEREST IN PARTY MEMBERS IS EVIDENT, IN THE COMPOSITION OF CANDIDATE-LISTS: PARTICIPATION HAS AGAIN SLIGHTLY DECLINED. 8 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

Analysis is made of the way in which the Peruvian military government has achieved institutional control over the program of structural reforms that has been put into effect since 1968. This process has emphasized the instrumental function of the government apparatus; it was directed toward a proper execution of the government program, & it assured a firm control over the course of the revolutionary process. The changes that took place in Peru are reviewed: (1) the remodeling of the formal structure of the state apparatus, a redefinition of the function of various units; (2) the regulation of general appointment procedures, promotions, dismissals etc; & (3) direct appointment to key positions within the state apparatus on the basis of a more general assumed loyalty, especially involving members of the so called Inca military group. 5 Tables. Modified HA.

De ambities van John Cockerill waren groot. Héél groot. Hij introduceerde stoommachines, hoogovens, spoorstaven en treinen. Zo joeg hij België en bij uitbreiding het hele continent de industriële revolutie in. Hij wond politici en koningen om zijn vinger, ging steeds verder, wilde steeds meer. Tot zijn hoogmoed hem ten val bracht. Zijn opmerkelijke levensverhaal leest als een roman