Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to seek the organizing principle of China's Belt and Road Initiative in terms of the People's Republic of China's overall foreign policy objectives, and, in order to do this, an understanding of the leadership of the Mid¬dle Kingdom becomes imperative. There are five generations of Chinese leaders since the proclamation of the PRC and obviously each of them has had distinct attitudes when it comes to foreign policy and the decision making process, since their actions have been the outcome of specific historical, social and geopolitical conditions. Notwithstanding, we see a continuity of grand strategies and application of the same principles of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, inherited from one establishment by the other. The current leader Xi Jinping, soon after getting to be General Secretary of the Communist Party in late 2012, expressed what might turn into the hallmark of his administration: "The Chinese Dream – the great re¬juvenation of the Chinese nation." Some months later the New Silk Road Strategy was proclaimed; the proposed revival of a great trade route which, two thousand years ago, bridged Eastern and Western cultures across the Eurasian continent, becomes in the 21st century the fulcrum of the Belt and Road Initiative and the blueprint of the actual Chinese foreign policy. ; Publication is a part of the project: Regional Center for International Debate in Lodz 2017–2018 Project co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs

The foreign activity (paradiplomacy) of local governments is one of the elements of Polish foreign policy and one of the dimensions of contemporary international relations. This paper presents the re sults of the investigations concerning foreign activity of Polish regions and cities with China. Studies have shown, that China is the most frequently chosen direction of activity of Polish local governments among all non-European countries. ; Aktywność zagraniczna (paradyplomacja) samorządów terytorialnych jest jednym z elementów polskiej polityki zagranicznej oraz jednym z wymiarów współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych. Artykuł prezentuje rezultaty badań współpracy polskich samorządów z Chinami, które są najczęściej wybieranym kierunkiem spośród wszystkich państw pozaeuropejskich.

Aktywność zagraniczna (paradyplomacja) samorządów terytorialnych jest jednym z elementów polskiej polityki zagranicznej oraz jednym z wymiarów współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych. Artykuł prezentuje rezultaty badań współpracy polskich samorządów z Chinami, które są najczęściej wybieranym kierunkiem spośród wszystkich państw pozaeuropejskich. ; The foreign activity (paradiplomacy) of local governments is one of the elements of Polish foreign policy and one of the dimensions of contemporary international relations. This paper presents the re sults of the investigations concerning foreign activity of Polish regions and cities with China. Studies have shown, that China is the most frequently chosen direction of activity of Polish local governments among all non-European countries.

The article takes up the problem of Chinese intelligence as a tool of support foreign policy. In the first place, the theoretical concepts and assumptions concerning this domain of state policy have been systematized. A review of selected foreign policy definitions in Polish-language political literature was conducted in this respect. Next the authors discussed the specificity of foregin policy determinants, structures and instruments. The key determinants of China's foreign policy of political, military, geographic, economic, and doctrinal character were discussed in following part of article. In the last part of the paper, an attempt was made to answer the question of how the above conditions affect the demand and performance of Chinese intelligence activities.

The aim of the paper is the analysis of the relationship between the perception of the success factors in international collaborative relationships and firm's international experience. The results of an empirical study on the sample of 278 Polish exporters and importers cooperating with partners from China and Germany are presented and both the differences in success factor perception depending on foreign partners' home country, and the correlation of the perception of the success factors with the international experience of the firms are discussed. The study revealed that the firms working with partners in China have somewhat more international experience. The importance of the majority of the success factors in relationships with German partners did not differ significantly from those in collaboration with Chinese firms. However, some consequential differences were observed. Internationalization experience is not strongly related with the perception of international cooperation success factors.

The aim of this article is to examine the impact of the actions of Chinese capital on limiting the influence of the Russian Federation in Kazakhstan. The preliminary analysis allowed for the formulation of the research question: Does Kazakhstan still take political considerations into account when choosing between Russian and Chinese capital? It was possible to answer this question due to the analysis of the main investments implemented by the Pekin and Mosocow in terms of their compliance with the Kazakhstan2050 development plan, initiated by President Nursultan Nazarbayev in 2012. The main research methods used in the article included: the analysis of literature on the subject, comparison, inference and induction. Finding the relationship between the development plan and investments made it possible to formulate a research hypothesis that the evaluation was reversed in the Kazakh development strategy. The primary objective when choosing a strategic partner became the economic calculation and its benefits. Political considerations came only in second place.

European cities are becoming more important actors on the global political scene, as they have significant foreign policy competencies. This is the result of a far-reaching process of globalization and the pluralisation of the international rela-tions. The goal of this study is to present a map of partnerships between Polish cit-ies and their Chinese counterparts and to attempt to characterize this cooperation. The authors will present the results of a survey conducted in 68 Polish cities.Partnerships between Polish and Chinese cities are more common form of diplomacy, particularly used by larger cities centers. Their number has been rapidly growing since 2000, reaching a total of 41 partnerships in 2020. Such cooperation is most often initiated by Polish or Chinese local authorities and focuses on culture, education and economy. Nevertheless, despite the benefits of urban cooperation with the Chinese, its potential is not being used by the gov-ernment. The state's foreign policy does not seem to consider the growing role of sub-state units and the benefits that city diplomacy offers ; Projekt "Rola miast w polityce Unii Europejskiej wobec Chin" o numerze 2019/33/B/hs5/01272, finansowany przez Narodowe Centrum Nauki w ramach programu opus-17.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established in 1996 as a joint response from China, Russia and the three Central Asian republics to growing threats to international security in the Central Asia region. Over the next two decades, the SCO has not only become an important guarantor of security and inter-state dialogue in the region but has also created a number of internal institutions specializing in, i.a. economic and energy cooperation. From the very beginning of its existence, China was its main patron and a strong supporter of tightening cooperation and expanding the organization to include more member states. China was also the author of the SCO rhetoric regarding the New Silk Road, which since 2013 has also become the leitmotif of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) established by China to develop economic cooperation with Asian and European countries. The main research issue of this paper is an answer to the question of how SCO has changed under the influence of the BRI. This problem will be analysed through two lenses: how has the Belt and Path Initiative influenced the direction of SCO development? And what effect does the rhetoric of the Silk Road have on international assessment of the SCO activities?

China In Africa – An Opportunity Or Neo-Colonialism In The Xxi Century? Selected Aspects Of The Chinese Presence On The ContinentChina's policy towards African countries undergone a significant transformation since the 50's of the XX century, and changed dramatically in the last decade, given the scale of the Middle Kingdom economic engagement on the continent. Africa is nowadays an important source of natural resources and huge market for Chinese products. The same time for non democratic regimes, China eases tensions in the Africa-USA and Africa-EU relations. Chinese aid and investments, are well recognized in Africa, as they are unconditionally realized. Although both parties derive commercial and political benefits from cooperation, Chinese policy is characterized by pragmatism and willingness to achieve their own objectives. If Chinese interests increasingly depend on local leaders' policy, will it be possible to maintain in future decades "non-interference" ability towards African's internal affairs? To which extend Chinese presence benefits in building of political, economic and social governance in Africa, and how far it is a scenario of taking advantage in a "neo-colonial" style?

This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.

Chinese Belt and Road initiative (BRI) is not only an economic or political project, but also has the potential to transform the international system. The initiative's impact is large – from stimulating the financing of infrastructure investments in various countries around the world to the development of new global supply chains. The scientific goal of the article is to analyze the consequences of implementing the initiative. The research problem is included in the following question: does the Belt and Road Initiative contribute to increasing Chinese influence in the world and carries the risk of driving poorer countries into the ―debt trap‖? The conclusion from the article is that China should create an improved version of the BRI initiative based on a better risk assessment of the current projects. Infrastructure investments, if not carefully implemented and controlled, may lead to consequences, such as increasing the debt of some countries in the long term.

The issue of energy resources in the PRC foreign and security policy is a relative novelty in Polish and foreign science. In this paper, the supply of key non-renewable energy resources such as coal, oil and natural gas to the State of China will be analyzed in detail. Own resources of individual fossil fuels, their consumption and import will be presented. The said data will be presented quantitatively in the form of tables and graphs. The selected timeframe, covering the years 1989 - 2012, will allow to analyze the change in the situation over several Chinese "five-year plans" (from "seven" to "twelfth"). The purpose of this analysis is to identify significant challenges and threats for the People's Republic of China due to the increasing use of raw materials such as coal, gas and oil. The author intends to answer the following questions: Is China a self-sufficient state in the supply of energy resources? What kind of energy resources prevail in China? For how long will Chinese resources last?

Analyses show that the mutual relations between the EU and Russia are marked by profound pragmatism on the one hand (in Russia) and a certain complex of a powerful neighbor and the fear of political turmoil on the other (in the EU). Russia tries to take advantage of these fears in order to maximize her profits and skillfully oscillates between the policy of the USA and that of EU which both count on the benefits to be obtained from the opening of the Russian market. However, the recently popular Russian alliance with China does not pose an actual alternative for the commercial exchange with Europe. This is due to the abundance of Chinese natural resources and expanding Chinese economy that is looking for sales markets rather than offering its purchasing market. In the long run the Russian alliance with the EU will have to be based on new principles that will restrict financial support by the United Europe that will be required to finance its new members.

China's soft-power practice in its international activity boils down to four areas: culture, education, diplomacy, and economy. The most important element of China's soft-power policy seems to be the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Announced in 2013, the BRI is a complex, long-term and large-scale strategic political and economic project by the Chinese government with an infrastructure character. In this way, China is seeking to invest its capital surpluses in resurrecting the ancient Silk Road to create railroad and maritime networks with its most important trading partner – the European Union. In these circumstances, in September 2015, the presidents of Central and Eastern EU member states announced the establishment of the separate Three Seas Initiative (TSI), a political and economic project bringing together 12 EU states, including 11 'new' members and Austria. These entities constitute an informal bloc of states between the Adriatic, Baltic and Black seas, though without a permanent secretariat but with rotating leadership. In addition to the lack of a formal structure, the TSI region, located mainly in the EU's eastern part, is characterized by a weaker infrastructure network than Western Europe, lower GDP (except Austria), and high dependence on gas supplies from Russia (except Croatia). To overcome these disparities, the TSI has developed a catalogue of 48 investment priorities in three economic areas: energy, transport, and digitalisation. China's soft-power policy towards the 'new' EU members may be decided by the American patronage of the TSI and the fact that one of the flagship projects is the North-South Gas Corridor, which will enable the sale of American LNG in Central Europe, which has been dependent on gas supplies from Russia, China's partner in the BRI. In the context of the US-China trade war, White House planners recognise Central Europe as both a peripheral and key area for their policy and seek to strengthen the Three Seas project, which may lead to limiting areas of cooperation under the '17+1' format, involving CEE countries and China. On the other hand, the development of better energy, transport and digital connections in the EU's east clearly intersects with China's idea of building a New Eurasian Land Bridge under the BRI to connect the most economically developed edges of Eurasia. The new US strategy towards the countries of the CEE seems to boil down to involvement in specific energy-related projects. Instead of blocking or diminishing BRI-related infrastructure projects in China, they seem in fact to complement the Chinese activity in the CEE. Increased investment by American enterprises in the region may allow the administration in Washington to maintain control of Chinese infrastructure investments, and the US involvement may even lead to the participation of American companies in projects originally started by Beijing.