Suchergebnisse

Vitayatprapaiphan Nongyao. ; Thesis submitted in: June 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-96). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.1 ; Preface --- p.4 ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction - Knowing the Akha ; Chapter a. --- Background --- p.10 ; Chapter b. --- Problems the Akha People are Facing --- p.16 ; Chapter c. --- Government Policy Towards the Akha and Hill Tribes in Northern Thailand --- p.22 ; Chapter d. --- The Impact of Government Policy on the Akha People --- p.27 ; Chapter e. --- Rituals and the Beliefs of the Akha --- p.30 ; Chapter 2. --- The Traditional Musical Life of the Akha --- p.33 ; Chapter 3. --- The Impact of Christianity on Akha Life and Musical Life --- p.38 ; Chapter 4. --- The Impact of Tourism on Akha Life and Musical Life --- p.56 ; Chapter 5. --- Prospects for the Traditional Musical Life of the Akha --- p.65 ; Chapter 6. --- Conclusion --- p.73 ; Appendix I: Figures --- p.82 ; Appendix II: Musical Examples --- p.89 ; Bibliography --- p.91

本論文旨在通過以合一運動視角詮釋香港基督教史,輔以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議之個案,分析香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程的參與與貢獻,以說明香港基督教為香港社會的重要成員,香港基督教史研究亦為幫助我們了解香港歷史不可忽視的重要領域。 ; 本研究說明基督教與香港社會、政治、經濟及地理等因素的互相摩擦與接觸,使基督教在香港歷史發展上,進入一個既交錯又融匯的混雜局面,並期望通過歷史研究,發掘普世教會合一運動的基督教傳統與本土香港基督教相遇的過程,從而綜述其中的變化與香港基督教教會本土化的獨特經驗。 ; 本文以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議為個案進行研究。該個案承繼了香港社會及教會在六、七十年代的種種發展,又延伸了香港社會及教會在九十年代甚至二十一世紀的各項討論,實有承先啟後的重要作用。並且,該個案其中的歷史變化及特點,均深刻地反映了香港對國際社會與中國的回應,饒有研究價值。二十世紀八十年代,香港社會急劇轉變。1984年中英聯合聲明草簽,九七主權轉移問題隨即成為香港人的核心討論。香港人心主權誰屬還是一個不確定的疑問。 八十年代的香港,無論在政治、經濟以及社會等方面,都進入空前特殊的時代。本研究即以香港基督教協進會所主辦的八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議作為一個瞭解八十年代初香港教會的窗口。 ; 在1980年11月17-20日,約有120位教會代表參加「八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議」,除了會員教會和機構派員參加外,還有天主教及福音派教會和團體的代表參與,顯示該會議促進合一的努力和特性。各工作小組就每一項宣教議程進行商討及思考,然後提出建議,以供各教會參考之用。五項議程為向低薪市民傳福音、向學生傳福音、對國內基督徒關懷、對公共政策釐訂的參予及對市民心態的影響。由於1984年中英聯合聲明簽署,九七問題的迫近,協進會突破十年一次舉行香港教會諮詢會議的常規,提前在該會三十二週年的紀念日,即1986年1月19至22日舉行「八十年代中期香港教會使命諮詢會議」,不單視為八十年代諮詢會議的延續和檢討,更是對九七問題的急切回應,可見諮詢會議為香港教會和香港社會、政治、經濟合一的媒介之一。通過以上的會議,我們從香港教會普世合一運動的高峰、福音派和主流派的合作和了解、與殖民政府和中國關係的改變,以及教會對公共事務的實際參與等方面,來刻畫八十年代初香港教會與社會的面貌,從而說明教會普世運動在香港發展的獨特性,以及香港在回應國際與中國之際的本土社會變化。 ; 最後,本研究從殖民、中國人、基督徒以及香港人等四個身份,說明香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程中的角色與意義,以論證香港基督教在香港社會為不可或缺的部份,而香港基督教歷史研究亦是香港研究中不容忽視的部份。 ; The thesis of my research is to articulate the crucial role of Christianity in the development of Hong Kong society through the reinterpretation of the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. ; Hong Kong church is an impetus for the sustainable development of Hong Kong society. The guiding principles of the ecumenical theology are one of the facilitators for the church to react with the political, economic and social development of Hong Kong. In my research, I will scrutinize the special ecumenical way of thinking. From that knowledge and sense of right and wrong, the church accelerated a lot of critical and significant decisions all the way through the history of Hong Kong. Prominently, it is a brand new perspective to study the role of church in Hong Kong history. There is no other work had been done on the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. I ...

本文主要針對清代杭州城一棟性質在天后宮與天主堂之間多次轉化的宗教建築,探討其對清代杭州城社會生活與公共空間的影響。 ; 除緒論、結論外,全文共包括四章。緒論介紹論文結構,並簡單梳理近來中國城市史研究的進展和相關議題。另外,在緒論中特別提到了韓書瑞(SusanNaquin)關於廟宇與明清北京城市歷史與生活的專著。此書透過宗教建築的變遷和作為城市公共場所的功能來看其對城市歷史的反映以及對城市生活的影響,對本文的研究視角和取徑產生了重要的指導作用。 ; 第一章介紹清代杭州城內政治、經濟與宗教文化等不同區位的形成以及城市管理概況,以說明數座天后宮在杭州城內原本坐落的不同位置以及其後的主要變化。第二章以明末清初到雍正八年之間天主教在杭州的發展歷史為線索,介紹杭州天主堂的建立以及之後因為禁教而改做武林門天后宮的背景,藉以分梳政府宗教政策以及地方宗教管理實務之間的複雜互動。第三章探究武林門天后宮在雍正八年以後的發展,並特別著重討論官員、文人與紳商家族的各種互動關係。第四章討論由鴉片戰爭到太平天國軍隊撤離杭州的道光、咸豐、同治期間,武林門天后宮如何又在戰爭與外交局勢變動過程中而再回天后宮改為天主堂的歷史。結論強調:基於宗教建築不斷變化其性質、功能、以及在城市公共生活中扮演的不同角色,人們可以從中了解國家的對內與對外政策以及地方行政管理如何實際影響著城市的面貌,而變化的城市面貌,又將影響城市的歷史與公共生活。 ; This thesis examines the urban history of Qing dynasty Hangzhou by closely analyzing the religious architecture of one Tianhou temple and one Catholic Church. This examination summarizes the evolution of these features and offers some thoughts on the influence that those changes made to social life and public spaces in Hangzhou. ; Apart from the introduction and conclusion, this thesis consists of four chapters. The introduction briefly reviews works Chinese urban history by scholars from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Mainland China and abroad. It then surveys the types of historical material used in the project. In particular, it reviews the contributions in Susan Naquin's work on Beijing'stemples in Ming and Qing China as a major source of inspiration for the perspective taken in this work, as it draws upon Naquin's perspective on religious architecture as a part of a city's public space in order to combine an analysis on social life and urban history. ; The first chapter discusses the history of Hangzhou's administration and its political, economic, cultural and religious development in the Qing Dynasty. It then outlines the history of the locations and major changes to the Tianhou temples dedicated to the goddess Mazu throughout the city. ; The second chapter begins at the end of Ming Dynasty and ends in 1730. Over this period of time, Catholicism became more popular in Hangzhou, and people built a glamorous Catholic ...

本文旨在闡釋十九世紀中葉的儒者如何理解基督宗教。筆者以兩位中層官員(姚瑩與魏源)作為主要例子,說明儒者思想和信仰構成的世界觀對世俗世界和超越世界都有一套完整的理解,亦引伸出儒者「經世」的信念。本文認為儒者對基督宗教的理解與他們的世界觀有密不可分的關係,但由於理解的目的在於「經世」,他們亦會在一些情況下基於現實考慮或新資訊的出現而暫時放棄自身的觀感,並進而修正他們的世界觀。藉著相類案例的比較,本文嘗試說明十九世紀中葉的儒者並非單純以自身的信仰批判基督宗教,亦非純粹以帝國官員的立場以純粹的管治和外交原則應對異國的宗教。對他們而言,理解基督宗教的過程就是世界觀、新資訊與現實考慮三者互動的結果。 ; This thesis attempts to explain Confucian understanding of Christianity in the mid-nineteeth century through the views of two government officials, Yau Yin and Wai Yuin, who based their beliefs on both the immanent and transcendent aspects of "Jinshi" or the philosophy of statecraft. This work asserts that the Confucian understanding of Christianity was very much tied to the officials' perception of secular society. Further, with the increase in knowledge and information, their view of Christianity began to change. Chinese officials' criticism of Christianity was based on a complex set of factors which included the influx of new ideas, information, government edicts, diplomatic considerations as well as their status in the imperial government. In other words, understanding of Chrisitanity in China developed and evolved with new understanding of historical realities. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 孔德維. ; Parallel title from English abstract. ; Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-341). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Kong Dewei.

Zhang, Shiyu. ; Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 06, December, 2016).

"In 1898, Qing Dynasty emperor Guangxu ordered a series of reforms to correct the poltiical, economic, cultural, and educational weaknesses exposed by China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War. The "Hundred Days" reform has received a great deal of attention from historians who have focused on the well-known male reformers, but until now the Qing women reformers have received amost no consideration. In this book, literary historian Nanxiu Qian examines the late Qing reforms from the perspective of Xue Shaohui (1866-1911)--a leading woman writer who openly argued against male reformers' approach that subordinated women's issues to larger national concerns. Xue and her circle went beyond the inherited Confucian pattern, demanding equal political and educational rights with men in their quest for an ideal womanhood and an ideal social order"--Back cover

Chan Chi Yuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-265). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.iii ; Abstract --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Politics of Political Accountability in Hong Kong 一 The Research Puzzle and Questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- "Research Puzzle: Different Conception of ""Political Accountability""?" --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Design --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Study --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Concept of Accountability - the Normative and Theoretical Issues --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Accountability - Ideals and Actualities --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Why Political Accountability? The Ideal of Rendering Account --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The need of limited government --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Concept of Accountability - a Kind of Political Control --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- "Rendering Account - Information, Reason and Sanctions" --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Representation and Accountable Government: a Comparative Approach --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Desirability of Accountability - the Tactful Balance --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.5 --- The Limitation of Accountability - Informational Barrier --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- The Concept of Accountability 一 the Organizational Issues --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Structural Components of Accountability --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Formal Organizational Components of Democratic Accountability --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Vertical and Horizontal Accountability --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Typology of Accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Classical dichotomy of political and administrative accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Political Accountability ´ؤ Vertical Accountability Agents --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Elections/ Electoral sanctions --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Other Popular Mechanisms --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2.1 --- Pressure groups --- p.57 ...

本研究旨在探索台灣自一九九零年代末推行之母語復興運動及其影響。作為使用者為數最多的本土語言,閩南語一度沒落;隨著母語復興措施當中、鄉土語言教學政策的廣泛開展,閩南語自「方言」一逕躍升為台灣文化的象徵,更被從政者甚至政府利用作對外宣傳之用。 ; 作者通過語言人類學田野考察方法,試圖以閩南語作為案例,釐清及解讀以下幾點:(一)台灣民眾當今的語言選擇及使用狀況;(二)他們的語言態度,與其文化認同之對應關係;(三)語言在台灣族群認同政治所扮演的角色;(四)語言政治在各社會文化層面所引起之角力;(五)方言(或語言,如原住民語言)群之競爭,如何掀起語言及文化傳統之再造和復興,以圖合理化其族群作為台灣文化象徵的地位。 ; 研究結果顯示,雖然巴赫汀 (Bakhtin) 的「眾聲喧嘩」(heteroglossia) 理論在實務層面與台灣的多語、多元文化相呼應,但當地政府所提倡之文化多元論、以及各持份者之間的隱性競爭,若以布迪厄 (Bourdieu) 的文化複製理論和傅柯(Foucault) 的權力知識理論解讀,當更適切。總的來說,台灣的母語復興運動,乃一項與昔日保守政權的抗衡行為賦權,控制兼具的政治行動,更是多元政治文化的象徵。 ; This thesis looks into the government-led language revitalization campaign in Taiwan with special reference to the case of Hokkien, one of the "bensheng" (local) vernacular with Han Chinese roots, in terms of language rights, ethnogenesis, and cultural legitimacy. Tracing the rise and development of concepts such as cultural heritage, ethnic identity and democracy in the region, the focus is placed on the recent changes in Taiwan's language ideology and the intricate emergence of Hokkien as one of the "national" languages and symbols apart from the official language, i.e. Mandarin Chinese. ; Against the backdrop where contesting discourses on language and culture discourses co-exist and crossbreed with each other, there are a number of closely-related issues that this thesis examines in particular: (1) the ways in which language choices are made and perceived in various contexts; (2) implications of such language choices as related to one's cultural identities; (3) the role of language politics in self and group identification and ethnic classification in Taiwan; (4) the power dynamics in various socio-cultural spheres; and (5) the resulting competition of multiple speech groups in Taiwan for authenticity, legitimacy and superiority in the political arena by means of reconstruction and reinvention of ethnic languages and traditions. ; The findings reveal that despite the practical relevance of Bakhtin's theory of heteroglossia to Taiwan's current ethnogenesis against the backdrop of multilingualism and ...

本文通过比较的视角来探索中共政权对中国天主教会包括官方与地下教会的特殊控制及其原因。自中共建国后,对比与其同宗同源,同为近代外来宗教的基督新教,中国天主教会长期以来受到中共严厉的控制。同时,近三十年来,基督新教在中国发展迅猛,成为当代中国发展最快的宗教,而在晚清和国民党政权下,基督新教在中国的发展一直远远落后于天主教。本文试图对这两个特殊现象进行研究。 ; 对于中共的严厉控制,学界的普遍观点是将其归结为天主教会强大的外国背景和与梵蒂冈的关系; 而近三十年来基督新教在华迅猛发展的原因被认为是它改良的教义和积极的传教模式。然而,基督新教同样具有强大的外国背景,它改良的教义和传教模式自晚清起在中国并没有本质改变,为何只在中共政权下得到迅速发展?本文试图通过对比天主教与基督新教在教义与组织结构、在华传播模式与发展速度、在华对政治的参与等方面的差异,以及天主教会在中国与中共政权在意识形态与组织结构上的异同,来探索中共对天主教会的特殊对待是否存在更深层次的原因,并探讨两者之间是否存在不可调和的矛盾。 ; 笔者认为,作为一个意识形态与组织高度合一的政权,中共害怕任何有严密统一全国性组织的宗教,不管它是否有外国背景。而作为有全国性统一严密组织的宗教组织,天主教会在中国之所以没有像"一贯道"和"法轮功"一样被中共消灭掉,是因为其与梵蒂冈的关系。作为"国际性合法宗教",天主教得以在中国生存。与基督新教相比,天主教会在中国,作为一种保守的,不倾向于革命或改良的宗教组织,在主观上从未试图挑战政权,但是其政教合一的严密组织以及建立在儒家伦理和宗族(家族)基础上的稳定的网络结构,在客观上构成对中共政权的有力竞争与潜在威胁,因此受到中共严密控制。中共利用"自选自圣"的策略,保持天主教会在中国的分裂, 从而达到"分而治之"的目的。同时,中共保持天主教地下教会在中国有限度的存在,以维持其对中国天主教会的有效控制。 ; My research focuses on church-state relations in contemporary China, to explore whether or not the Catholic Church in China constitutes a threat to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime. I am undertaking a comparative study of the CCP's religious control over the Catholic and Protestant churches in mainland China through the approach of state-society relations, as well as a macroscopic view of political science with quantitative and qualitative analysis. ; As they are both foreign-originated parts of Christianity, the Catholic Church has been subjected to much stricter controls from the mainland CCP since 1949 than the Protestant Churches. Furthermore, the Protestant churches have been the fastest growing religion in China in past three decades, but it had once grown relatively very slowly under late Qing and the KMT regimes, compared with the Catholicism. This research tries to explore these two strange phenomena, to study why the CCP has been so highly attentive towards the Catholic Church but has not eliminated it in mainland China. ; Through expounding the differences between the Catholic Church and the Protestant churches in religious doctrines, organizational structures, propagation models, as well as development ...