Suchergebnisse

Michel Foucault often spoke of the political in reference to his concept of governmentality, but he also sometimes employed the term in a strongly antigovernmental sense, which betrays a certain utopianism in his theory. While his notion of governmentality is counterposed to Enlightenment understandings of the liberated self, Foucault also offers the prospect of liberation, from domination imposed both by ourselves & by others. It is suggested that Foucault's occasional embrace of this rhetoric of liberation implies that political discourse has something of a mimetic character. Thus, political thinkers would be wise not to follow Foucault in pretending that utopianism can be avoided in political discourse. Rather, they ought to acknowledge, as Foucault appears to do at times, that political critique depends on a utopian impulse. D. Ryfe

Argues that there is an alliance between modern knowledge & the politics of security of the national state. In this alliance, both philosophy & politics are dedicated to the stabilization of security in the face of an actually existing environment of contingency, flux, & more generalized insecurity. This long-standing alliance has taken on varying forms. In Plato & early Christianity, a supersensible universe controlled the insecurity of Heraclitean flux, first by the idea & then institutionally, through the Church as the condition of human salvation. In early modernity, secular delegitimation of the Church led to a new locus of control. Later, in philosophy, the ideas of rationalism & empiricism helped control epistemological insecurity. In politics, for its part, chaos is exogenized by the institution of the Machiavellian & Hobbesian nation-state. Possible contemporary alliances are considered in the context of late-modern assumptions, in which nature becomes no longer a world of entities available to beings for transformation in respect to its finalities, but instead, a stock of raw material for our own ends. 72 References. V. Rios

Discusses the present & potential dangers of democratic politics governed by technocracy: "the illegitimate extension of scientific ways of thinking to questions that do not admit of scientific answers, & the elevation of scientists & technicians to a position of responsibility for which their knowledge & skills alone do not qualify them." Although science & technology constitute an increasingly large portion of political & social life, their applications in the political & social realms have not achieved the utopian goals of justice & dissolution of bureaucracy. Despite the technocratic assertion that politics can be separated from ideology, it is suggested that politics requires ideology, & technocracy itself is a form of ideology. Understood as a medium for the socialized expression of conflicting beliefs, politics is thus both formed by & dependent on ideology. Further, it is argued that attempts to eliminate ideology from politics place technocratic rulers in a position of unearned & potentially dangerous authority. It is concluded that ideological disagreement & dissent are fundamental components of democracy, & cannot be eliminated through scientific analysis & methodology. T. Sevier

Reflects on the nature of the political & its relation to democratic identities. Politics is defined as an encounter between struggles for emancipation & efforts to establish order through policy making. It is suggested that current debates over the political have been stymied by the identification of politics with the self of a community. Politics is understood as inherently anarchic, & thus lacking a particular central subjectivity or identity. The only universal value acknowledged is equality, but this value is understood less as pregiven than as enacted in the process of political struggles. In the act of struggling, individuals are subjectivized to the extent that they claim & demonstrate one identity while refusing others. It is concluded that current debates over the relation between universality & identity are misguided & should be replaced by discussions of the relation between the tribal & the idiomatic. It is in this conceptual universe & understanding of politics that issues such as ethnic nationalism, which now press on the world, might be most profitably addressed. D. M. Smith

Building on Thomas S. Kuhn's (1970) ideas on paradigms, the class paradigm or perspective is outlined & argued to be of diminishing importance in post-WWII advanced industrial societies. Criticisms of class-based interpretations of politics are reviewed in terms of five major issues, centered on party-class dealignment: (1) class voting & class-based political allegiances; (2) the weakening of class organizations; (3) class consciousness, action, & identification; (4) the rise of new politics; & (5) postideological values. It is argued that anomalies in each of these areas mandate a reconsideration of class-based political analyses; a paradigmatic shift to a more Weberian-based approach is suggested. 2 Tables, 105 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Building on Thomas S. Kuhn's (1970) ideas on paradigms, the class paradigm or perspective is outlined & argued to be of diminishing importance in post-WWII advanced industrial societies. Criticisms of class-based interpretations of politics are reviewed in terms of five major issues, centered on party-class dealignment: (1) class voting & class-based political allegiances; (2) the weakening of class organizations; (3) class consciousness, action, & identification; (4) the rise of new politics; & (5) postideological values. It is argued that anomalies in each of these areas mandate a reconsideration of class-based political analyses; a paradigmatic shift to a more Weberian-based approach is suggested. 2 Tables, 105 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Suggests that social movements play a large, often determining, role in the periodic electoral de- & realignments of political history, drawing on brief reviews of realignments in the 1930s & the 1960s. The conventional literature suggests that periodic electoral shifts signal volatile changes in the economy or social life. However, it is suggested that, because minority parties always hold at least some institutional power in a two-party system, they are ill-equipped to channel the discontent produced by social & political changes. Instead, social movements do what party leaders & contenders for office in a two-party system will not: raise deeply divisive issues. By mobilizing constituencies around divisive issues, social movements pressure politicians to make changes they otherwise would not. The dissensual politics provoked by the interaction of movements & coalition builders of the two-party system is demonstrated in brief dicussions of the emergence of the New Deal alignment in 1932, the conservative realignment of 1980, & the potential for a new realignment in the 1990s. D. M. Smith

Argues that Soka Gakkai's political involvement stems from Tsunesaburo Makiguchi's pre-WWII call for political leaders to base their actions on a correct understanding of Buddhism. An examination of factors that contributed to the movement's rapid growth emphasizes activities aimed at achieving kosen-rufu, a humanistic Buddhist society & lasting peace. The Soka Gakkai entered local assembly politics in the mid-1950s & formed the Komeito Party in 1967 in order to separate the religious from the political body. Komeito became the third largest political party nationwide by 1969 but later lost considerable strength. The rationale behind the Soka Gakkai's decision to take part in politics is examined, along with the intricacies involved in the formation/development of the Komeito Party, & its efforts to avoid a narrow religious identity by appealing to a broader popular base. Obstacles within contemporary Japanese politics, the Soka Gakkai movement, & the Komeito are identified, & the future prospects of both the Soka Gakkai & the Komeito Party are evaluated. J. Lindroth

Argues that Soka Gakkai's political involvement stems from Tsunesaburo Makiguchi's pre-WWII call for political leaders to base their actions on a correct understanding of Buddhism. An examination of factors that contributed to the movement's rapid growth emphasizes activities aimed at achieving kosen-rufu, a humanistic Buddhist society & lasting peace. The Soka Gakkai entered local assembly politics in the mid-1950s & formed the Komeito Party in 1967 in order to separate the religious from the political body. Komeito became the third largest political party nationwide by 1969 but later lost considerable strength. The rationale behind the Soka Gakkai's decision to take part in politics is examined, along with the intricacies involved in the formation/development of the Komeito Party, & its efforts to avoid a narrow religious identity by appealing to a broader popular base. Obstacles within contemporary Japanese politics, the Soka Gakkai movement, & the Komeito are identified, & the future prospects of both the Soka Gakkai & the Komeito Party are evaluated. J. Lindroth

The aim of this chapter is to discuss the problems & peculiarities of comparative politics as a method for the analysis of social movements. After a discussion of what comparative politics is, I present the principle methodological strategies & describe the underlying logic of the comparative method. Important issues include the formation of concepts, the number of cases, the use of time, & the choice of similar or different contexts. I conclude with a discussion of different perspectives in the field. Throughout, research on social movements will be the center of attention, providing illustrations of the main problems (& solutions) in the field. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this chapter is to discuss the problems & peculiarities of comparative politics as a method for the analysis of social movements. After a discussion of what comparative politics is, I present the principle methodological strategies & describe the underlying logic of the comparative method. Important issues include the formation of concepts, the number of cases, the use of time, & the choice of similar or different contexts. I conclude with a discussion of different perspectives in the field. Throughout, research on social movements will be the center of attention, providing illustrations of the main problems (& solutions) in the field. Adapted from the source document.

Ruminates on poverty research, focusing on conceptual issues, politics, & race. The bias toward econometric analysis in poverty research is lamented for want of sufficient conceptual resources, advocating a cross-disciplinary approach to complement the heavily quantitative field. More attention needs to be paid to the allocation of business cycle risks among income classes in the US & to the construction of the very concept of "poverty." It is contended that researchers should not ignore the impact of prevailing political attitudes on policy making, particularly in terms of eschewing critical analysis of these public sentiments. A radically progressive sensibility in poverty research is called for. To address the blatant link between race & poverty, the notions of discrimination in contract & discrimination in contact are presented, arguing that mechanisms of status transmission & social mobility hinge on social interactions in both spheres. Further, cultural explanations to account for racial disparities are challenged for neglecting the fact that group identifications & racial self-understandings are endogenous; the question of how groups construct notions of what constitutes a behavioral norm is posed. J. Zendejas

Addresses the implications of broad shifts in environmental politics for environmentalism & progressive politics. An updated summary of the themes & contentions in the author's Environmentalism and the Future of Progressive Politics (1989) is offered before reflecting on the ideological & political relevance of the Cold War's end & the fall of the far Left. Attention turns to globalization & the retrogressive impacts of capitalism. The implications of globalization for the politics of wealthier nations are considered, addressing the increasingly closed nature of current global decision making & the politics of deregulation. A look at the development of 1990s environmental politics focuses on the potential for new perspectives & postregulatory environmental policy tools, noting that many pro-sustainability public policies are nonregulatory & can be structured in a manner that benefits the socioeconomic condition of disadvantaged North American groups. J. Zendejas