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Ideologies structure the social field from their particular speeches. Therefore, it is important to understand how Critical Discourse Analysis (ACD) works in the social order and what the objective of its critique is. In this text, an analysis is presented from Teun Adrianus van Dijk's and Norman Fairclough's conceptions, as well as three key concepts, namely Discourse, Ideology, and Power, which are supported by Chantal Mouffe's political theory. Besides, some alternatives are addressed in order to better understand the ideologies conceived from a pluralism, where the concept of antagonism, is rescued as a condition of the political factor.

Tanto la abortada Constitución Europea como el Tratado de Lisboa evitaron toda mención del cristianismo; en los documentos ordinarios de la Unión Europea se evita también cualquier alusión directa al cristianismo o las Iglesias. El artículo reflexiona sobre las causas de esta aversión. La Constitución Europea no se limitó a trasladar a la escala supranacional lo que ya era un hecho consumado a escala nacional, pues numerosas Constituciones de países europeos nombran a Dios o al cristianismo, o incluso instituyen una religión oficial. La causa de la «cristofobia» de la nueva eurocracia parece residir en una negación de las propias raíces culturales: Europa quiere basar su identidad sólo en valores universal-abstractos como la libertad, los derechos humanos, etc. Sin embargo, los valores liberal-democráticos surgieron precisamente en Occidente. porque son valores cristianos secularizados. ; Neither the proposed European Constitution nor the Lisbon Treaty made any mention of Christianity, nor are there any references to Christianity or Christian churches in the ordinary documents of the European Union. This essay explores the likely root causes of such omission. Given that the constitutions of many European member-states refer to God and/or Christianity (and in some case seven establish an official religion), the European Constitution did not simply transfer the status quoat national level to the international sphere. The root cause of the 'Christophobia' that marks the current Eurocracy would appear to lie in a rejection of its own cultural origins: a civilizational self-denial .Europe seeks to define its identity in terms of abstract universal values such as freedom, human rights, etc. Nevertheless, the reason such liberal-democratic values emerged in the West is because they are secularized versions of Christian values.

Neither the proposed European Constitution nor the Lisbon Treaty made any mention of Christianity, nor are there any references to Christianity or Christian churches in the ordinary documents of the European Union. This essay explores the likely root causes of such omission. Given that the constitutions of many European member-states refer to God and/or Christianity (and in some cases even establish an official religion), the European Constitution did not simply transfer the status quo at national level to the international sphere. The root cause of the 'Christophobia' that marks the current Eurocracy would appear to lie in a rejection of its own cultural origins: a civilizational self-denial. Europe seeks to define its identity in terms of abstract universal values such as freedom, human rights, etc. Nevertheless, the reason such liberal-democratic values emerged in the West is because they are secularized versions of Christian values. ; Tanto la abortada Constitución Europea como el Tratado de Lisboa evitaron toda mención del cristianismo; en los documentos ordinarios de la Unión Europea se evita también cualquier alusión directa al cristianismo o las Iglesias. El artículo reflexiona sobre las causas de esta aversión. La Constitución Europea no se limitó a trasladar a la escala supranacional lo que ya era un hecho consumado a escala nacional, pues numerosas Constituciones de países europeos nombran a Dios o al cristianismo, o incluso instituyen una religión oficial. La causa de la «cristofobia» de la nueva eurocracia parece residir en una negación de las propias raíces culturales: Europa quiere basar su identidad sólo en valores universal-abstractos como la libertad, los derechos humanos, etc. Sin embargo, los valores liberal-democráticos surgieron precisamente en Occidente… porque son valores cristianos secularizados.

No abstractRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 124, 2010: 335-338 ; No hay resúmenes disponiblesRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 124, 2010: 335-338

Phillips, Sarah. (2011). Yemen and the Politics of PermanentCrisis. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies. 167 páginas.ISBN: 978-0-415-69574-9 ; Phillips, Sarah. (2011). Yemen and the Politics of PermanentCrisis. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies. 167 páginas.

This paper analyses the religious perspectives of the Joven Generación Argentina in the late 1830s. Its members thought of religion, and more specifically of Christianity, as a strictly earthly vector of regeneration to support, alongside philosophy, their project of social and political reform. They also manifested a veiled hostility towards Catholicism, which they associated with the set of colonial customs they intended to abandon, with a Spain they considered "retrograde" and with the "tyranny" of Juan Manuel de Rosas. Their religious perspectives did not constitute a systematic approach, however; they did give shape to a "structure of feelings". ; El presente artículo analiza las concepciones religiosas de quienes integraron la Joven Generación Argentina a fines de la década de 1830. Dichos personajes pensaron a la religión, y más específicamente al cristianismo, como un vector de regeneración estrictamente terrenal sobre el cual debía apoyarse —junto a la filosofía— su proyecto de reforma social y política. Manifestaron también una velada hostilidad al catolicismo, asociado a las costumbres coloniales que se pretendía abandonar, a una España que consideraban "retrógrada" y a la "tiranía" de Juan Manuel de Rosas. Sus perspectivas religiosas no constituyeron un planteo sistemático, sin embargo, sino que es pertinente referir a ellas como dando forma a una "estructura de sentimientos".

Socrates can be said to have left the subsequent philosophical tradition with the problem of the relation between philosophy and politics. Already in the Republic the proposal of philosopher-kings represents more a tension than an identity. While Aristotle responds by insisting on a sharp distinction between politics and philosophical wisdom, this distinction proves on closer examination much less sharp than might appear. Heidegger characterizes philosophy as the only authentic politics and the philosopher as ruling just by virtue of being a philosopher. In contrast, Foucault insists that, if philosophy can play a role in relation to politics by transforming the subject who lives politically, it plays no role within politics. In this contrast can be seen the 'fallout' of the tension bequeathed by Socrates through both Plato and Aristotle.

This work offers a comparative analysis of the late antique schools in the Roman West and East concerning their functioning, structure, fields of study and features of their leaders, as well as the academic and political networks in which they operated. Special attention is paid to the particular cases of the emperor Julian in the East and to the Hispanic bishop Priscillian in the West, both of them educated according to the canons of classical paideia. ; En el presente trabajo se realiza un análisis comparativo de las escuelas filosóficas tardoantiguas en Oriente y Occidente en su funcionamiento, organización, materias de estudio y las características de sus líderes, así como de las redes académicas y políticas en las que se desenvolvieron. Se estudian los casos particulares del emperador Juliano en el contexto oriental y del obispo hispano Prisciliano en el occidental, ambos formados dentro de los cánones de la paideia clásica.

In Peru, young college students have leading roles in social protest mobilizations even when they seldom belong to political organizations. This study aims to analyze the perception of current politics and its institu-tions among young college students, and to inquire into their interest on relevant events at their surround-ings and into the importance gained by the media and the social networks concerning their information. The purpose of this project is also to examine the role assigned by college students to the university as a space of personal development and reflection. This project was carried out in Lima, Peru, directed to youngsters aged 17 to 25 from public and private universities. Opinions have been collected through six focus-groups and a survey applied to more than 400 students. The analysis concludes that college students distrust pro-foundly political parties and formal political organizations, likewise it shows they have a broad access to information sources, so as their willingness to solve Peru's problematic issues. It also uncovers clear differ-ences between students of private and public universities regarding attitudes for participating in political action, inside and outside the campus. From the study stems a proposal to provide young students at their campuses with opportunities to debate public issues of national and global interest as a part of their overall academic training.