Suchergebnisse

The editorial presents the conference "Religion and Politics" arranged by the Centre for the Study of Christian Cultures at the University of Turku in November 2018. Articles 3-7 of the current issue are based on papers presented at the conference. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

The editorial presents the conference "Religion and Politics" arranged by the Centre for the Study of Christian Cultures at the University of Turku in November 2018. Articles 3-7 of the current issue are based on papers presented at the conference.

When talking about the relationship between Christianity and politics two things are certain: there will be a split on whether or not people believe the two should have a relationship at all, and that at some point the conversation will focus on the perceived success or failure of the Moral Majority. Founded by Jerry Falwell and Paul Weyrich in 1979 to give a voice to Christian conservatives, the Moral Majority quickly became the most prominent Evangelical political lobbying group in the country and managed to achieve a level of influence that eluded many of the other Evangelical groups that were founded for similar reasons. Due to its success and rise to power, the Moral Majority became a listing rod for those opposed to the belief that Christian principles should be legislated and the group also sparked the conversation within Evangelical circles throughout the country about the proper role that Christianity should play in the secular world. By taking a closer look at the leaders of the Moral Majority, how the group was organized, the theological foundations that inspired their active participation in politics, the continuing effect that the group had on both Christianity and politics, and conclusion of all those questions posed about the organization can finally be achieved.

Includes index. ; Bibliography: p. viii. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The political practice is at the core of the personal and ecclesial Christian experience. This dynamic has as its absolute the historical faith in JESUS within the execution of popular sovereignty building common good, the separation between Church and State, the prevalence of ethics and law, the realization of the preference option by poor people, the constitution of an authority and the obtaining of minimum political consensus at local, national and international level. The theological ethical background of all this issue from the bible, the ecclesial tradition and the commitment of contemporary Christian community, is the goal of this article. ; La praxis política es parte constitutiva y esencial de la vivencia cristiana tanto personal como eclesial. Esta dinámica se distingue por tener como absoluto la experiencia histórica de JESÚS en el ejercicio de la soberanía popular (la cual busca la construcción del bien común), la separación entre la Iglesia y el Estado, la prevalecía de la ética y el derecho, la realización de la opción preferencial por los pobres y la constitución de una autoridad y de consensos políticos mínimos a nivel local, nacional e internacional. Cual sea el fundamento ético teológico de todo este devenir desde el hecho bíblico, la tradición eclesial y el compromiso de la comunidad cristiana contemporánea, conforma el objetivo de este artículo.

Este artículo propone objetivar el paradigma de la teología de la liberación (TL), como fenómeno sociopolítico contemporáneo característico de la relación entre la religión (en ese caso el cristianismo) y la política, en América latina. Aquí, el planteamiento central consiste en sostener que la TL constituyó un sistema propio, el cual tiene aún hoy presencia e impacto social. Ese sistema debe ser entendido en la singularidad de sus lógicas sociales e ideológicas. Su análisis no puede ser reducido a intereses teóricos y modelos externos, ni someterse a los propios mitos de los actores. En primer lugar, se define la pertinencia de la aplicación de la noción de paradigma a la teología de la liberación y se reconstruye su genealogía dentro del catolicismo contemporáneo, así como el contexto social, político e ideológico del cual surgió. En segundo lugar, se delimita el modelo paradigmático de la TL, diferenciado de su genealogía y de su entorno, para identificar sus evoluciones sucesivas y diversas expresiones hasta la actualidad. ; This article proposes to objectify the liberation theology (LT) paradigm, as a contemporary social-political phenomenon of the relationship between religion (in this case, Christianity) and politics in Latin America. The core statement alleges that LT built its own system, which has still presence and social impact. Such system is to be understood in the singularity of its social and ideological logics. The analysis of it cannot be reduced to theoretical interests and external models without submitting to the actors' own myths. First, the relevance of applying the paradigm notion to the liberation theology is defined and its genealogy is rebuilt within the contemporary Catholicism, as well as the social, political, and ideological context from which it arose. Then, the LT paradigmatic model is determined, differentiated from its genealogy and environment, in order to identify its successive evolutions and various expressions up to the present.

"Annual sermon preached before the Baptist Missionary and Publication Societies at San Francisco, May 28, 1899." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Published by request." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

"Originally published in 1916." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Awarded the Maitland prize at Cambridge in 1915"-Pref. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Awarded the Maitland prize at Cambridge in 1915."--Pref. ; Mode of access: Internet.

My senior project is about the connections between religion and politics with a focus on Christianity and the Oregon Legislature. My study includes interviews with various Oregon Politicians, both Republicans and Democrats. Interviews were conducted at the State Capitol and included the use of a short questionnaire. The goal of this study is to identify how religion has influenced various political decisions with a focus on the development of legislation.

In October 2009, a private member introduced the Anti-Homosexuality Bill to Uganda's Parliament for consideration. This article analyzes the Bill within a broader context of transnational antigay activism, specifically the diverse ways that antigay activism in Uganda is shaped by global dynamics (such as the U.S. Christian Right's pro-family agenda) and local forms of knowledge and concerns over culture, national identity, and political and socio-economic issues/interests. This article lends insight into how transnational antigay activism connects to and reinforces colonial-inspired scripts about "African" sexuality and the deepening power inequalities between the global North and South under global neoliberalism, and raises some important questions about how the racial and gender politics of the U.S. Christian Right's pro-family agenda travel and manifest within the Ugandan context.

This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements.

This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements.