No. 8 in a volume lettered: Massachusetts election sermons, 1867-84. ; Printed by order of the Massachusetts House of representatives. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Indonesia is a multicultural and multireligious nation whose heterogeneity is codified in the state doctrine, the Pancasila. Yet the relations between the various social, ethnic, and religious groups have been problematic down to the present day, and national unity has remained fragile. In several respects, Christians have a precarious role in the struggle for shaping the nation. They are a small minority (about 9% of the population) in a country predominantly inhabited by Muslims; in the past they were interconnected in manifold ways with the Dutch colonial government; they exert great influence in economy and the military, and constitute the majority of the population in some parts of the so-called Outer Islands (such as Flores, Sumba, and Timor), which are characterized by an attitude fraught with ambivalence towards the state apparatus perceived as 'Javanese' and 'Muslim'. In the aftermath of the former president Suharto's resignation and in the course of the ensuing political changes – in particular the independence of East Timor – Christians were repeatedly discredited for allegedly posing a threat to Indonesian unity, and have been involved both as victims and perpetrators in violent regional clashes with Muslims that claimed thousands of lives. Since the beginning of the new millennium the violent conflicts have lessened, yet the pressure exerted on Christians by Islamic fundamentalists still continues undiminished in the Muslim-majority regions. The future of the Christians in Indonesia remains uncertain, and pluralist society is still on trial. For this reason the situation of Christians in Indonesia is an important issue that goes far beyond research on a minority, touching on general issues relating to the formation of the nation-state.
Examining the following selected Renaissance dramas: Marlowe's The Jew of Malta (1585), Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice (1596), Massinger's The Renegado (1624), Daborne's A Christian Turn'd Turk (1612), and Goffe's The Raging Turk (1656), this research investigates Renaissance dramatists' portrayal of biased Christian standpoints that govern the relation with the non-Christian to uncover whether that dramatization represents the playwrights' participation in validating those attitudes or their critique of politicizing the Christian faith, in both ways underscoring the existence of an ideological 'political faith' issue. It turns out that the period's plays may reveal that such stereotypes are only recruited to further and validate financial gain, political dominance and racial discrimination; that is, political Christianity. However, the playwrights' attitudes remain subject to their unrevealed intentions, and it is, therefore, left to the reader/audience to take sides. Tactically, the dramatists emerge ahead of the Christian and secular politicians of their time as they assume the safe side of impartiality.
Examining the following selected Renaissance dramas: Marlowe's The Jew of Malta (1585), Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice (1596), Massinger's The Renegado (1624), Daborne's A Christian Turn'd Turk (1612), and Goffe's The Raging Turk (1656), this research investigates Renaissance dramatists' portrayal of biased Christian standpoints that govern the relation with the non-Christian to uncover whether that dramatization represents the playwrights' participation in validating those attitudes or their critique of politicizing the Christian faith, in both ways underscoring the existence of an ideological 'political faith' issue. It turns out that the period's plays may reveal that such stereotypes are only recruited to further and validate financial gain, political dominance and racial discrimination; that is, political Christianity. However, the playwrights' attitudes remain subject to their unrevealed intentions, and it is, therefore, left to the reader/audience to take sides. Tactically, the dramatists emerge ahead of the Christian and secular politicians of their time as they assume the safe side of impartiality.
"Would the extension of suffrage to women raise the standard of Christian citizenship? If so, should not our clergy and the church give their support to this reform movement?" ; Title from cover. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Foucault's concept of pastoral power is envisioned as a technique of power developed from the medieval period and carried through into modern political rationalities. As such, it is an old power technique – which originated in Christian institutions – in a new political shape, which he coined governmentality. This article uses Foucault's genealogy of pastoral power and governmentality to discuss the intersection of domination and technology of self in the Greenlandic colonial context and to bring out the central role of religion in Foucault's conceptualisation of governmentality.
From its inception to the 4th century CE, Christianity experienced a formative process composite of three catalytic phases characterised by distinctive events (i.e. Jewish-Christian Schism, Hellenism and imperial intervention). From the aforementioned era emerged an orthodoxy fostered by an imperial-ecclesiastical link. There appears to have been a parallel story with regard to certain elements of African Christianity, in particular, Ethiopian Christianity. What can be made of the gap regarding Jewish Christianity combined with the absence of African Christianity from Bauer's modular theory on heresy and orthodoxy in the development of early Christianity? Despite the dominant story of the development of an imperial religious establishment at the turn of the 4th century, could there be an alternative narrative to Christianity in the African region derivate from Ethiopia? Reviewing the emergence of a religious political Christianity in this era as modular against Ethiopian Christianity in tangent with its links with Christianity in Roman Africa, establishment of the nature and development of Ethiopian Christianity was performed. This was performed through documentary analysis. Bauer's (1971) theory of orthodoxy and heresy in early Christianity did not exhaustively account for Jewish Christianity and North African distinct intransigent tradition characteristic of Carthage. By extension to African Egyptian, Alexandria is Ethiopian Christianity that was characterised by Judaic tradition in contrast to anti-Judaism. This established a parallel history of Christianity in Africa inclusive of Ethiopia. A review of this perspective contains contemporary momentum in view of the focus on Ethiopian Jews, for example, as religious praxis was as important as ethnicity in determining the Jewishness of whole tribes. ; Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
Maurice Dantec is "a prophet, a mystic, a Christian soldier, Zionist and pro-American, anti-secular and militantly counter-revolutionary. In short, the last scandal of French literature," according to his editor David Kersan. Dantec's brand of punk neo-Christian literary activism may feel somehow out of place in a literary milieu still beholden to the existentialism of Sartre and the revolutionary ethos of the 1960s. But Dantec's "disgust" (of Old Europe, the creeping menace of Islam and the rampant march of secularization) bears witness to a larger malaise. Along with Michel Houellebecq and Peter Sloterdijk, he testifies to the opening of a new chapter in the culture wars, to the rise of a new group of "écrivains maudits" who have decided to vehemently question postmodern nihilism and economic globalization. Finally, Dantec's fiction makes a case for the need for faith in a Godless world. This essay is concerned with Dantec's paranoid politics as they appear in his fiction, and most notably in his latest Christian futuristic trilogy. It is also concerned with the relevance of conservative Christian dogma in his work, both formally and rhetorically.
Bibliography: pages 191-212. ; This is a study of the National Catholic Federation of Students (NCFS), an organisation that sought to bring together Catholic students on South African university campuses, examining specifically NCFS' political ideas and activities from 1960 to 1987. The underlying supposition of this thesis is that church history ought to be an integral part of the discipline of history, and that there is a need to write church history from "below" from the perspectives of the "people's church", the church that comprises the religious experience of the majority of its members rather than its hierarchy.
ABSTRACT: The occasion of 500 years from the beginning of the Protestant Reformation – an event of special importance for the central and western Europe – marked decisively the development of the western civil society in the following centuries, representing a reason for reflection and debate on the place and role of the Church in the ampler process of modernisation started in the 16th century. In the Germany of the year 1517, the thesis belonging Martin Luther on the religious consciousness and freedom from the perspective of the public mentality led to the beginning of the later political events, which has as consequences a series of discussions/polemics on the new problem of the relation between the Church and the State and on the role of the modern mentality in this relation. From this perspective, we aim to commemorate the event with an investigation on the evolution and the content of the relations of power between Catholicism and Protestantism, and also an analysis of the radical formulas, of the manner in which the states, on one side, and the Church, on the other side, understood to cooperate, cohabitate and confront each other.
This article explores the way that members of a political milieu of the New Christian Right in Norway reason about an alliance between local and global forces to open the borders to Muslim immigrants as part of a plot to remove Christianity from Norwegian society or weaken its influence. The context for the research is the refugee crisis of 2015 and 2016, which made these topics politically and culturally salient. The article looks at how this milieu understands the most important elements in the alleged plot against Christianity: the Labour Party, the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation (NRK), Muslim immigrants,and the Church of Norway.
"The major part of this book was given in Earl lectures at the Pacific school of religion and the School for social work at the University of California during the autumn of 1940."--p. [vii] ; At head of title: By Arthur E. Holt. ; Mode of access: Internet.