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This study aims to answer the question whether Christian Orthodoxy can inspire political movements. In so doing we start from the political theories of modernity where the link between Christianity and democracy is central. Our result sounds unexpected: interaction between Orthodoxy and democracy seems to not have a perspective. It is too late for it since most political movements in post-communism do not have the religious identity of their members as criterion. The situation was not different before. As an example the effort of the orthodox theologians and laymen in Romania before the outbreak of the Second World War is quoted here. Almost without an exception all focused and restricted their interest on the question of the nation. Therein we see the principal reason for the above postulated perspective of an orthodox political doctrine until now. On the European level the situation looks also no better. Even the parties, which attribute themselves the Christian values, have at present large difficulties to convey their message. It remains only to hope that the political actors rediscover the social and actively support the Christian ethics in the public area. Only so can democracy be regarded as one of the most important binding forces also under the Christians.

The article deals with the separation of church and state as the key historical turning point in the creation of one of the fundamental determining factors of contemporary states and political systems. The author gives an account of the contributions of the American and European political traditions, and presents a very comprehensive historical context in which Christianity introduced a new model of relations between church and state. The Western tradition of church-state interrelations is essentially characterized by the problem of separation, and by various legal-political arrangements founded on the principle of separation of church and state. Consequently, the article aims to put forward some of the relevant ideas which contributed to the creation of the church separation principle, as well as some of the basic elements of the relations between church and state in contemporary political systems. Adapted from the source document.

Late Antiquity, known as a transitory phase between Antiquity and the Middle Ages that encompasses the 4th-6th centuries, was characterized by major historical events that led not only to political and administrative changes, but also social, cultural and religious changes. This paper will elaborate the impact of these changes in the province of Dardania, of which the central territory corresponds to today's Kosovo, with a specific focus on the spread of Christianity and Christian architecture and changes in settlement patterns, as people moved from field settlements to hillforts. Moreover, it will present architectural features and the role of fortifications in Late Antiquity. ; Kasna antika, prijelazno razdoblje iz antike u srednji vijek, odnosno period od 4. do 6. stoljeća, obilježena je važnim povijesnim događanjima koja su rezultirala promjenama ne samo u političkom i administrativnom smislu, već i u društvenim, kulturnim i religijskim aspektima. Ovaj rad bavi se utjecajem tih promjena u provinciji Dardaniji, čije je središnje područje smješteno na današnjem Kosovu. Posebna pažnja bit će posvećena širenju kršćanstva i kršćanske arhitekture, promjenama u naseljima, te premještanjima stanovništva iz nizinskih naselja na gradine. U radu se donose i karakteristike arhitekture i uloga fortifikacija u kasnoj antici.

The first part of the text presents the republican position of young Hegel. This position is developed primarily through a divergence from Christianity, which is, in Hegel's judgment, the spiritual pillar of political despotism and the main cause of German spiritual, social and political backwardness. According to Hegel, the main reason for the fatal influence of Christianity is its private character, the fact that it teaches man to despise this earthly life, tells him that he is unable to achieve moral perfection through his own efforts and turns him into an object of a transcendental power. In opposition to Christianity, Hegel puts forward the Greek popular religions, i.e. the antique republican orders as the only orders adequate to man's freedom, pointing them out also as models for his own time. The second part of the text shows how Hegel's giving up on his youthful republican-democratic ideals and his adherence to hereditary monarchy is a consequence of the appearance of the liberal moment in his political philosophy. Through acceptance of subjectivity as the supreme principle of the new age, Hegel realizes that a return to the substantial ethical unity of the Greek polis is impossible. At the same time, he sees in the constitutional monarchy of the hereditary type the only order adequate to modern conditions. Namely it preserves the autonomy of non-political spheres in the state, while simultaneously -- in the monarch who is not dependent on the will of those subject to his power -- the state unity is guaranteed as opposed to civil society as a space of interest plurality and socio-economic differences. Finally, the author strives to demonstrate how, in spite of Hegel's obvious opting for hereditary monarchy and rejection of the republic, his mature political philosophy also encompasses a republican dimension. This has to do with a contradiction between the republican form and the monarchic contents of the political state. Namely the latter is not (only) a machinery of power which serves as a counterbalance to civil society, but is defined as the sphere of true political community. It is however not shaped through the activity of individuals; their political subjectivity is embodied in the hereditary monarch. This contradiction, i.e. the republican essence of the political state, leads to the conclusion that political emancipation can be conceived as a natural and necessary consequence of civil emancipation also in the conceptual field of The Philosophy of Right. Adapted from the source document.

Pierre Manent is viewed as a French thinker that develops in modern times the liberal tradition of political thinking. One of the most important issues of Manent's thinking that was not enough underlined it is the relationship between religion an politics and how this evolved from the beginning of Christianity until the main consequences of modernity. Manent view on religion and politics is the core of this paper analysis. The main contributions of Manent, such as Naissances de la politique moderne. Machiavel, Hobbes, Rousseau (1977), Histoire intellectuelle du lib.ralisme (1987) La cit. de l'homme (1994), Cours familier de philosophie politique (2001), La raison des nations. R.flections sur la d.mocratie en Europe (2006) are analyzed from this perspective. Our conclusion is that in the way Manent deals with the relationship between politics and religion there are some constants that may be found in all his work. These are: the relationship between the Church and the different forms of political organization in Europe (Civitas, Imperium, monarchy); the fact that Christianity is one of the few current relevant concepts for political, due to the failure of totalitarian ideologies; the idea that secularization in Europe is not irreversible; we live in "an age of separations", and Church-State is one of these separations; we witness the religion transformation process and the .tat la.que cannot survive to .tat-nation; the role of Islam in modern societies and his perpetual finding of a political form; the relationship between Judaism, state and nation; the issue of the Christian identity of Europe.

U radu se razmatraju osnovni aspekti Lutherova i Calvinova shvaćanja morala, posebno u povezanosti s pojmom (moralne) individualizacije kao ključnog etičkog određenja. Također, razmatra se i pitanje uloge reformacijskog učenja u razgradnji srednjovjekovne »moralne slike svijeta«, kao i posljedice koje je ono izazvalo u političkom i ekonomskom smislu. ; This paper deals with the fundamental aspects of Luther's and Calvin's understanding of morality, particularly regarding the notion of moral individualisation as a key ethical definition. Additionally, the question of the role of Reformation teachings in the degeneration of the medieval "moral picture of the world" is also being considered, as well as the consequences it caused in the political and economic sense.

Neposredno nakon Drugoga svjetskoga rata tiskani su priručnici za škole koji se od prijašnjih razlikuju implementacijom političkih ideologema kojima je cilj kroz nastavni proces ideološki indoktrinirati učenike. Usporedba prvoga poslijeratnoga izdanja Boranićeva pravopisa iz FNRJ (1947.) s izdanjem iz 1940. i analiza novonapisanih gramatičkih priručnika iz 1947. i 1948. (Brabec–Hraste–Živkovićeva Gramatika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika za III. razred gimnazije. Tvorba riječi, sintaksa i narječja iz 1947. i Frol–Brabecov Naš jezik. Gramatika i pravopis za V. razred sedmogodišnje škole i I. razred gimnazije iz 1948.) pokazuje da to vrijedi i za pravopise i gramatičke priručnike napisane za škole. ; Teacher's handbooks printed immediately after World War II, differed from the previous ones by introducing political ideologemes aimed at political in- doctrination of the students. The first post-war issue of Boranić's Gramatika (Grammar), published in Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia in 1947, is compared to the 1940 issue and newly written 1947 and 1948 grammar handbooks are analyzed Croatian or Serbian Language Grammar Textbo- ok for Grammar School, Grades III (Gramatika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika za III. razred gimnazije, Brabec, Hraste & Živković; Word forming, Syntax and Dialects Tvorba riječi, sintaksa i narječja, 1947; Our Langu- age: Grammar and Ortography Textbook for Elementary School, Grades VII and Grammar School, Grades I Naš jezik. Gramatika i pravopis za V. razred sedmogodišnje škole i I. razred gimnazije, Frol & Brabec, 1948) and it is evident that the statement is also valid for grammar and orthography textbooks written for schools.

In this text, the authors' starting point is that the modern conception of representation, decisively connected with the state as modern type of political order, not only represents a radical cut with regard to pre-modern forms of representation, but is also the result of evolution through which many key elements of the antique and medieval perception of representation were built into the modern perception. This is confirmed by two eminently modern theories of representation: the theory of Hobbes and the theory of Hegel. In both cases, the theories prove to be largely based on the antique and medieval legal-political heritage. With Hobbes, the basis consists primarily of the idea of legal representation, and with Hegel, of the idea of identity representation. Both ideas are gradually developed in civil law and canon law. This part of the text focuses on the part of history of representation which culminated in the perception of representation according to the model of legal representation. For this purpose, the authors first discuss the definition of representation in the Roman period and in early Christianity, and then they investigate how the antique heritage was reinterpreted in medieval civil law and canon law. Adapted from the source document.

Krajem sedamnaestog stoljeća, sve više »radikalnih mislilaca« počelo je govoriti o tome da su uobičajena shvaćanja boga nekoherentna, djetinjasta i antropomorfna, zbog čega su ih njihovi suvremenici smatrali ateistima iako ih danas vjerojatno nitko ne bi tako okarakterizirao. Jedno je sigurno – definicija je ateista imala različita značenja u različitim vremenima. Znamo da su zbog toga mnogi autori anonimno objavljivali svoja djela ili su ona objavljivana nakon njihove smrti, a jedan od takvih autora bio je i Jean Meslier. On je bio svećenik koji je napisao knjigu Testament, u kojoj je razvio temeljan materijalistički i ateistički pogled na svijet. Pored toga, napao je Crkvu, kršćanstvo, Isusa, boga, aristokraciju, monarhiju, »stari režim« itd. Rad analizira povijesni kontekst u kojem je Meslier živio, njegovu biografiju i stavove o politici, crkvi, etici, materijalizmu i ateizmu. ; During the end of the 17th century, more and more "radical thinkers" began to speak about how common understanding of god was being incoherent, childish, and anthropomorphic. Because of that, their contemporaries saw them as atheists, although today probably nobody would characterize them as such. One thing is for certain – the definition of atheist had different meanings in different times. We know that many authors published their works anonymously or after their death, and one of those writers was Jean Meslier. He was a priest who wrote a book titled Testament, in which he developed a thorough materialistic and atheistic worldview. Besides that, he attacked the Church, Christianity, Jesus, God, aristocracy, monarchy, "ancient regime" etc. The paper analyses historical context in which Meslier lived, his biography, and his thoughts on politics, Church, ethics, materialism, and atheism.

Hegelove riječi iz Enciklopedije filozofskih znanosti, da revolucija nije moguća bez reformacije, mogu se shvatiti kao načelno upozorenje da svakoj korjenitoj političkoj promjeni mora prethoditi promjena u unutrašnjem svijetu uvjerenja pojedinca i zajednice. Te riječi povijesno preciznije upućuju na reformirano kršćanstvo kao na inherentni poticaj modernim revolucionarnim previranjima. Religiozno oslobođenje savjesti prethodilo je političkom oslobođenju i u tom smislu Hegel izdvaja protestantizam kao najviši lik religioznosti koji je u modernoj običajnosti moguć. Hegel favorizira protestantizam ne samo zato što je uvjeren da je religijska reformacija prethodila i da uvijek mora prethoditi revoluciji nego i zbog toga što smatra da s protestantizmom postaje očito da i reformiranje religije ostaje nedovršeno i apstraktno ne preraste li u politički prevrat. Razmatranje načina na koji Hegel problematizira odnos države i religije autora vodi k zaključku: revolucije ne može biti bez reformacije, ali ni istinske reformacije bez revolucije. ; Hegel's words from the Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences, that a revolution is not possible without a reformation, can be understood as the general warning that the change within the inner world of beliefs of individual and community must precede every radical political change. Historically more precise, these words point to the Reformed Christianity as the inherent impetus to the modern revolutionary movements. The religious liberation of conscience preceded the political liberation, and Hegel, therefore, points out Protestantism as the highest form of religiosity which is possible in the modern ethical life. On the other hand, Hegel favours Protestantism not only because he is convinced that the religious reformation preceded and must precede the revolution, but also because he considers that with Protestantism becomes evident that the reformation of religion remains incomplete and abstract if it does not grow into the political upheaval. Considering the way Hegel is problematizing the nature of the relationship between state and religion, the author concludes: there can be no revolution without a reformation, but neither a true reformation without a revolution.

Autor donosi prikaze osobnih proučavanja utvrđenih zbijenih naselja na položajima Gradina na Prizni, na sjevernom obalnom rubu Velebitskog kanala i utvrde Sutojanj na sjevernom rtu otoka Paga. To su primjeri utvrda, koje se uklapaju u cirkummediteransku sliku kastrizacije primjerene epohi cara Justinijana I. (527.-565.). Osvrtanje na spomenuta dva primjera utvrda od posebne je važnosti, jer s preostalim utvrdama uz sjevernu obalu Velebitskog kanala zapravo ocrtava početke procesa kastrizacije na arhipelagu i istočnom pročelju Jadrana. Taj je proces ujedno odredio i oblikovanje osebujnog kulturnog krajobraza na svršetku kasne antike i početku ranoga srednjeg vijeka u kojem će Bizantsko Carstvo, posredovanjem urbanih središta, dati znatan prinos. ; Taking as an example a part of the Velebit coastal area and the Pag archipelago group in the northern Dalmatian islands, in our paper dedicated to Nenad Cambi, whose work and life we are celebrating, we look at two important points in the area. Concerned are the positions of the fortification complexes of Gradina on Prizna, on the northern coastal rim of the Velebit Channel, located opposite the fortress of Sutojanj on the northern point of Pag Island. These are examples of fortified compact settlements with important components, or ports, which fit into the circum-Mediterranean image of the castrification typical of the epoch of Emperor Justinian I (527-565). Reference to these two examples of forts is particularly important, for with the other fortifications along the northern coast of the Velebit Channel the beginnings of the process of the castrification in the archipelago and along the eastern facade of the Adriatic can be depicted. This process also defined the beginnings of the Early Middle Ages. During summer and late autumn 1989 and 1990 the present author carried out a detailed reconnoitre of the field in the area from the strait of Novsko ždrilo in the south east to Donja Prizna on the south west of the Velebit Channel. Also carried out was an immediate field autopsy of the western part of the island of Pag. During these investigations an endeavour was made to verify the hypothesis that there are several new sites, or sites not well enough known to scholarship, on which there are significant characteristics of military construction from the time of the early rule of Byzantium in the Adriatic. From the field walking and remote research and the interpretation of monumental complexes and visits to the fortifications in Prizna and Sutojanj, it is possible to conclude that the archaeological facts found can persuade us that they belonged to a very important cultural and historical bridge across which Late Antiquity we gradually transited into the Early Middle Age. This is a very interesting transitional period marked by the widely ranging activity of the Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I (537-565). The consequences of this activity are revealed on the eastern facade and the archipelago of the Adriatic and in its hinterland with a unique organisation of the physical space, with the building of new types of fort, with the renovation of the fortifications of urban centres, with marked secular and religious construction going on in every corner of the vast empire, then with the thallasocracy in the Mediterranean, and its northernmost gulf, the Adriatic. The new urbanism on the classical base, the victorious progress of Christianity marked by the policy and personality of Justinian I, the wide ranging commerce over great distances, founded on well distributed artistic and artisanal work, then warfare at several theatres of war, all changed the organisation of the space and created new cultural landscapes. Such landscapes, with their new place names, particularly the hagyotoponyms and the lasting points of reference - the forts and churches, were turned into a part of the world heritage that should be the subject of scholarly research, evaluation and presentation as added value to the tourist product. The epoch of Justinian I had a crucial influence on the beginnings of the formation of the early Middle Ages and at the same time preceded the long-lasting presence of the Byzantine Empire in the urban centres up and down the easternmshores of the Adriatic.

U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.