Suchergebnisse

The first years of the XIXth century were a critical period in the Spanish Church's History. They saw the disminution of the clerical effectives, the crisis of its economical power, and the influence of the political changes. This work to pretend to analyze these transformations in the diocese of Cadix. ; Los primeros años del siglo XIX constituyen una etapa crítica en la historia de la Iglesia española ante el descenso de los efectivos clericales, el deterioro de sus bases económicas y la incidencia de los avatares políticos. Este trabajo pretende analizar este proceso en el marco concreto de la diócesis de Cádiz.

Entre 1975 y 1978, Robert W. Drexler estuvo a cargo de las operaciones antinarcóticos en la embajada norteamericana enBogotá en calidad de Encargado de negocios y subjefe de la misión diplomática. En el pasado había sido vicecónsul en Barranquilladurante el último año de gobierno de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla.

Los derechos humanos constituyen la razón de ser del Estado de Derecho. Este, el Estado de Derecho, es la institucionalización jurídica de la democracia. La realización efectiva de los derechos humanos, tanto a escala nacional como sobre todo en su dimensión realmente universal, precisa de instituciones que articulen coherentemente y hagan posible tales ineludibles exigencias éticas básicas y fundamentales. Esas instituciones (revitalizadas continuamente por su homogeneización crítica con la sociedad civil) son las que se configuran en el modelo jurídico-político que seguimos denominando Estado de Derecho. Este trabajo trata de profundizar en esa necesaria interrelación entre Estado de derecho y derechos humanos. ; Human rights are the raison d'être of the State in Law. TheState in Law law is the legal institutionalisation of democracy. The effective realisation of human rights, both at the national level and above all in their truly universal dimension, requires institutions that coherently articulate and make possible such inescapable basic and fundamental ethical demands. These institutions (continually revitalised by their critical homogenisation with civil society) are those that are configured in the legal-political model that we continue to call the State in Law. This paper attempts to explore this necessary interrelationship between the State in Law and human rights. ; peerReviewed

En este documento se hace una revisión de las relaciones entre el Estado y la Iglesia católica en Chiapas de 1900 a 1930. El texto analiza, a contrapunto, la situación política y religiosa en Chiapas a lo largo de las primeras tres décadas del siglo XX dividiendo el periodo según la cronología chiapaneca: desde 1900 hasta 1914, llegada de los carrancistas; de 1914 hasta el triunfo de la contrarrevolución mapache en 1920; de 1920 a 1932 de acuerdo a las tres gubernaturas locales de la década. El argumento principal del documento es que al llegar a Chiapas los conflictos entre el Estado y la Iglesia a nivel nacional cambiaban de sentido debido a la peculiar situación local. En particular, el radical anticlericalismo tanto de la facción carrancista corno del presidente Calles (llevados al extremo en el centro del país) resultaron ajenos a la situación chiapaneca, donde la debilidad institucional del estado local y la casi nula presencia física de la Iglesia católica convertían el conflicto en un absurdo. Por esta razón, las políticas anticlericales en Chiapas se aplicaron tibia y ambiguamente: más por mantener una "fachada" revolucionaria que por considerar a la Iglesia y la religión católicas un problema local. ; This paper covers the first three decades of the 201 h centuy on Church-State relations in Chiapas, Mexico. The docurnent analyzes, one at a time, the political and religuos situation according to a local chronology: frorn 1900 to 1914, when the carrancista army arrived to Chiapas; frorn 1914 to 1920 when the countemevolutionary rnovernent triurnphed in the state; frorn 1920 to 1932 according to the three gubematurial periods of the decade. The central argurnent of the paper is that because of the peculiar local situation the national conflicts between Church and State were redefined when arrived to Chiapas. In particular, the radical anticlericalisrn of both the carrancistas and of president Calles was strange to chiapanec situation where the institutional weakness of the local state together with the precarious physical presence of the Catholic church rnade the conflict between these two institutions ridiculous. Thus, anticlerical polices in Chiapas were applied arnbiguosly: just to rnaintain a revolutionary face before the central govemrnent.

Without a doubt, the Liberator owes his good fortune to his unequalled role in American history. The importance of Simón Bolívar in American history is due not so much and not only to his military efforts which led him to achieve the independence of those states that are today the Republics of Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia, but rather to his having determined a political scheme for those countries, which he imagined as the only reality for a state, and for whom he completed the gigantic, utopic effort of thinking up American institutions capable of obliging them to unify. The element that would mark his thought and action would be Americanism: the American delirium, the ceaseless aspiration of giving to his land and people laws and institutions that belonged to a reality he never wished to consider as an appendage of Europe and particularly of that Europe which, having defeated Napoleon, had not only brought down the empire of the French despot, but had, with the Congress of Vienna, tried to restore those thrones and institutions that had conditioned enormously the development of the colonies, obliging the Americans to live as blind men among a thousand colors. ; El Libertador, sin duda alguna, debe su suerte a su inigualable papel en la historia americana. La importancia de Simón Bolivar en la historia americana se debe no tanto y no solamente a sus gestas militares que lo llevaron a realizar la independencia de aquellas que hoy son las Repúblicas de Venezuela, Colombia, Perú, Ecuador y Bolivia, sino más bien a haber determinado el esquema político de aquellos países que él había imaginado como una única realidad estatal y por los que había cumplido el gigantesco y utópico esfuerzo de pensar en instituciones americanas capaces de obligarlos a la unidad. El elemento que marcara su pensamiento y su acción será el americanismo: el delirio americano, la aspiración incesante de dar a su tierra y a su gente leyes e instituciones que fueran pertinentes a una realidad que él nunca quiso considerar como el apéndice de Europa y en particular de aquella Europa que, derrotando a Napoleón no sólo había desmoronado el imperio del despótico francés, sino que con el Congreso de Viena, intentaba restaurar aquellos tronos y aquellas instituciones que habían condicionado enormemente el mismo desarrollo de las colonias, obligando a los americanos a vivir como ciegos entre mil colores.

This work studies the religious question in an eminently conservative province during the Second Republic. We analyce the distant attitude of the bishop, Cruz Laplana, with regard to the new regime, that increased after the expulsion of this friend, the cardinal Segura. We also review the activities of ecclesiastic influence (the promotion of workship, the foment of religious organisations and the press) and the religious politics of the town council from Cuenca, at least until 1936. ; Este trabajo estudia la cuestión religiosa en una provincia eminentemente conservadora durante la II República. Se analiza la actitud distante del obispo, D. Cruz Laplana y Laguna, ante el nuevo régimen, que se incrementa tras la expulsión de su amigo, el cardenal Segura. Se repasan también las actividades de influencia eclesiástica (la promoción de actividades de culto, el fomento de las organizaciones del apostolado y la prensa) y la política religiosa del ayuntamiento conquense. Por último, se destaca la baja conflictividad religiosa en Cuenca, al menos hasta 1936.

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

La formación del estado y su ordenamiento jurídico se ha realizado por los varones con exclusión de las mujeres, la igualdad entre los hombres y las mujeres no ha sido un principio fundamental del derecho ni del sistema político. El derecho a la igualdad descansa sobre presupuestos de naturaleza cultural y filosófica que tratan al hombre como el sujeto universal y a la mujer como una categoría específica. La teoría feminista del derecho coincide en la crítica de estos presupuestos pero existen grandes diferencias en cuanto se pretende abordar un modelo teórico alternativo para resolver la desigualdad de género-sexo. La aprobación de la Constitución, la adaptación del ordenamiento jurídico a los principios y valores constitucionales y el feminismo académico han posibilitado la aparición de los estudios de género en el ámbito del derecho. ; The formation of the State and its legal order has been undertaken by the male community with the result of female exclusion; neither the law nor the political system has considered equality between men and women as a fundamental principle. The right to equality lies on the questioning of the philosophical and cultural claims which consider men as the universal subject and women as a specific category. Within Feminist legal theory there are great differences when it comes to an alternative theoretical proposal to solve the problem of gender vs. sex. The proclamation of the Constitution, the adaptation of the legal framework to the principles and constitutional values, and academic feminism have made for the development of gender studies in the field of law.

The formation of the State and its legal order has been undertaken by the male community with the result of female exclusion; neither the law nor the political system has considered equality between men and women as a fundamental principle. The right to equality lies on the questioning of the philosophical and cultural claims which consider men as the universal subject and women as a specific category. Within Feminist legal theory there are great differences when it comes to an alternative theoretical proposal to solve the problem of gender vs. sex. The proclamation of the Constitution, the adaptation of the legal framework to the principles and constitutional values, and academic feminism have made for the development of gender studies in the field of law. ; La formación del estado y su ordenamiento jurídico se ha realizado por los varones con exclusión de las mujeres, la igualdad entre los hombres y las mujeres no ha sido un principio fundamental del derecho ni del sistema político. El derecho a la igualdad descansa sobre presupuestos de naturaleza cultural y filosófica que tratan al hombre como el sujeto universal y a la mujer como una categoría específica. La teoría feminista del derecho coincide en la crítica de estos presupuestos pero existen grandes diferencias en cuanto se pretende abordar un modelo teórico alternativo para resolver la desigualdad de género-sexo. La aprobación de la Constitución, la adaptación del ordenamiento jurídico a los principios y valores constitucionales y el feminismo académico han posibilitado la aparición de los estudios de género en el ámbito del derecho.

Resulta difícil hallar actualmente reflexiones que desde la ciencia política nos permitan abordar el complejo ciencia-tecnología como asunto del diseño de políticas públicas. Por otro lado, no se percibe con claridad la existencia de un espacio abierto para la política en la política científica y tecnológica. Es por ello que REDES viene realizando esfuerzos para abrir el debate. En tal sentido, publicó en el número anterior "Argentina: el estado y las actividades científicas y tecnológicas", de José Nun, y ahora publica como dossiere\ artículo de Oscar Ozslak y Guillermo 0"Donnell, "Estado y políticas estatales en América Latina: hacia una estrategia de investigación". Estos autores nos proponen como recurso metodológico un "protomodelo" que permite analizar, por un lado, el proceso por el cual un tema es problematizado socialmente, transformado en cuestión e incorporado a la agenda del debate público; y por otro lado, la manera en que los diferentes actores desde sus respectivas lógicas de funcionamiento toman posición o deciden políticas frente a la cuestión, y, con ello, definen la naturaleza, intensidad y límites del área de conflicto social. A los fines de nuestro asunto sugiere una interesante perspectiva para reconocer e iniciar el estudio de la naturaleza "política" de la política científica y tecnológica. ; This paper deals with the estudy of public policies as a starting point for a potential contribution to the State transformations and of the new varieties adopted by their links with civil society in the context of Latin American countries. With this aim, the authors develop what they call a "proto-model". This "proto-model" allows them to disassemble, and draw a dynamic picture of, a State and actors -classes, class fractions, organizations, groups, eventually individuals- who make political decisions on the emergence and resolution of socially problematized "issues", within the framework of a social process.