Suchergebnisse

U ovom članku autor na sugestivan način ukazuje na važnost razumijevanja nacije i države u kontekstu evropske filozofske misli i prakse o naciji i državi. Iako su mu povod nacija Bošnjaka i bosanska država, autorova razmišljanja su aplikativna za sve skupine slične naciji Bošnjaka, kao i za države slične bosanskoj državi. Osnovna misao u ovom članku je da ideja univerzalne nacije, kulture i civilizacije niti osporava niti negira partikularni osjećaj i subjektivni doživljaj nacije i države. Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji ne oduzima pravo nijednoj naciji u Evropi da gaji i razvija svoju nacionalno-kulturnu i nacionalno-državnu svijest. Zapravo, u mjeri u kojoj je svaka nacija i svaka država u Evropi aktivno svjesna svoje nacionalne i kulturne specifične vrijednosti, čini Evropu, odnosno Evropsku uniju, snažnom i važnom u globalnom svijetu. Otuda i Bošnjaci, odnosno Bosanci, kao nacija i kao država (nacija) nemaju potrebe da se povlače, već imaju historijsku obavezu da istaknu svoju specifičnu bosansku kulturu i bosansku državu kao bogatstvo vrijedno pažnje ne samo u Evropi već i u svijetu. ; In this article, the author suggestively points to the importance of understanding the concept of nation and the state in the context of the European philosophical thought and practice regarding the nation and the state. Although the occasion is about the Bosniak/Bosnian nation and the Bosnian state, the author's reflections are applicable to all groups similar to the Bosniak/Bosnain nation, as well as to all the states similar to the Bosnian state. The basic premise of this article is that the idea of a universal nationality, culture and civilisation does not oppose or negate the particular feeling or the subjective experience of either the nationality or the state. The membership of European Union does not detract the right for any nation in Europe of the right to cultivate and develop its national culture as well as its particular state consciousness. In fact, in the extent of which every nation and every state in Europe has an active awareness of its national and cultural specific value, gives Europe, indeed – the European Union strong and important role in the global community. Hence, the Bosniaks/Bosnians, both as a nation and a state (nation) have no need to withdraw, but rather have the historical opportunity to feature their specific Bosnian culture and Bosnian state as a richness worthy of appreciation, not only in Europe, but also in the world.

Autor propituje ulogu ideologije, mita i klase u razumijevanju kompleksnih procesa savremene političke subjektivizacije u BiH. Polazeći od revolucionarnog konteksta s početka devedesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća koji razumijeva kao paralelni proces nacionalne i kapitalističke reaproprijacije, autor na pitanje pod kojim uslovima, diskurzivnim i institucionalnim, određene etničke razlike postaju politički relevantnima, postaju izvorom političke moći i mobilizacije, razvija odgovor u vidu antireprezentacionalističke hipoteze po kojoj su to s jedne strane diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi "nacionalne države" shvaćene kao države homogenog etnonacionalnog domaćina i zanemarive etnonacionalne manjine, a s druge strane njima komplementarni diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi kapitalističkog poretka iz kojega se nacionalni poredak historijski izdiže, a koji podrazumijeva klasnu strukturiranost. Subjekt proizvodnje nacionalno-kapitalističkog poretka je vladajuća klasa, u slučaju BiH klasa etnopolitičkih poduzetnika koja je u posjedu sredstava za proizvodnju društvenog života uopće: i materijalnog i onog simboličkog. ; Author investigates the role of ideology, myth and class in understanding the complex contemporary processes of political subjectivization in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Starting from the revolutionary context from the beginning of the 1990s, which the author understands as a parallel process of national and capitalist re-appropriation, the author poses the question: which are the conditions, discursive and institutional, for specific ethnic differences to become politically relevant, to become the source of political power and mobilization. The answer is explored on the basis of the anti-representationalist hypothesis according to which, on the one hand, these are the discursive and institutional conditions of "nation-state" understood as a state of homogenous ethnonational host and negligible ethnonational minority, and, on the other hand, the discursive and institutional conditions of capitalist order from which nationalist order is historically developed presupposing its class structure. The subject of the production of national-capitalist order is the ruling class; in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the class of ethnopolitical entrepreneurs which is in possession of the means of production of social life in general: both in the material and in the symbolical sense.

Naslijeđe jugoslavenskog socijalizma još je djelotvorno na identitarnu ravan država i naroda sljednika te bivše zajedničke države. Odnos komunističke doktrine i religije, u našem ispitivanom slučaju islama, posebno zaokuplja pažnju istraživača. Na marginama iščitavanja dvije recentne knjige o odnosu islama, Bošnjaka i socijalizma nastao je ovaj tekst. On kritički propituje mjesto i ulogu islama i institucije Islamske zajednice u savremenom i nacionalnom i političkom razvoju Bošnjaka s akcentom na recentna društvena zbivanja. ; The legacy of Yugoslav socialism is still viable in the successor states and the nations of that former common state as a form of identity. The relationship between communist doctrine and religion, specifically Islam, is of particular interest to researchers. This paper was written under the impression of two recent books recognizing the relationship between Islam, Bosniaks and socialism. The author critically questions the place and role of Islam and the institution of the Islamic Community in the contemporary national and political development of Bosniaks, with an emphasis on recent social events.

Considering that in the spectrum of juvenile criminal sanctions punishment of deprivation of liberty is the most severe criminal sanction, international documents related to juveniles in conflict with the law proclaim standards that this sanction has to be imposed only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest period. Issues like possible duration of subject sanction and scope of its imposition, represents some of the basic features of the legal and judicial policy of sanctioning of juveniles, and represent the subject of this paper. The author analyzes how these issues are regulated in Bosnia and Herzegovina"s and comparative law, and how aforementioned standards are applied in practice. Applying the comparative analysis it was determined that there are certain indicators that Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the countries that has in its heritage "humane" sanctioning policy of juvenile offenderes, and that the aforementioned international standards are consistently accepted in domestic law as well as in the jurisprudence. ; Imajući u vidu da u spektru maloljetničkih krivičnih sankcija kazna lišenja slobode predstavlja najstrožiju krivičnu sankciju, međunarodni dokumenti iz oblasti postupanja sa maloljetnicima u sukobu sa zakonom proklamiraju standard da se ona ima izricati samo kao krajnje sredstvo (ultima ratio) i u što kraćem trajanju. Upravo pitanja mogućeg trajanja predmetne sankcije, te obima njenog izricanja predstavljaju neka od osnovnih obilježja zakonske i sudske politike sankcioniranja maloljetnika, te čine predmet istraživanja ovog rada. Autor je analizirao kako su ova pitanja uređena u bosanskohercegovačkom i uporednom pravu, te kako su spomenuti standardi oživotvoreni u praksi. Primjenom komparativnopravne analize utvrđeno je kako postoje određeni pokazatelji da Bosna i Hercegovina spada u red zemalja koje baštine "humanu" politiku sankcioniranja maloljetnih učinitelja krivičnih djela, te da su spomenuti međunarodni standardi dosljedno prihvaćeni kako u pravu, tako i u sudskoj praksi ove zemlje.

Porezni sistem BiH predstavlja jedan od ključnih nositelja u održavanju stabilnosti i poticanju razvoja gospodarstva BiH. PDV prevare nisu ozbiljna prijetnja samo za prihode države BiH nego i za funkcioniranje cjelokupnog tržišta, pa se može reći da su to specijalni oblici kriminala, koji nanose veću materijalnu, odnosno finansijsku štetu nego klasični kriminal i predstavljaju izuzetno društveno opasno ponašanje fizičkih ili pravnih lica. Borba protiv PDV prevara i općenito prevara po osnovu neizravnih poreza u svim porama sistema, a posebno u tužiteljstvu i policiji, neophodan je uvjet za opstanak sistema. Vršenje kaznenih djela iz oblasti neizravnih poreza može biti podstaknuto nekažnjavanjem ili nedovoljnim kažnjavanjem, što veoma brzo može dovesti do bogaćenja određenih slojeva društva koji postaju elita u ekonomskom i političkom životu. Takvi slojevi društva prvenstveno su loša slika i loši predstavnici naše države jer takvim postupanjem upućuju na ponašanja puna ličnih interesa i vode zemlju ka putu egoizma, što nikako ne bi trebalo predstavljati ideal kojem treba težiti, već upravo suprotno. Jedino odlučna borba, uz primjenu i preventivnih i represivnih metoda suzbijanja prijevara, u kojoj nema mjesta za nedodirljive, treba postati kategorički imperativ ponašanja i djelovanja. ; Tax system of Bosnia and Herzegovina /BiH/ is one of the key factors in keeping the stability and incitement of BiH economy development. VAT frauds are not serious threat just to the incomes of the BiH state but also for functioning of entire market, so we can say that those are special forms of crimes, which cause more material i.e. financial damage than classic crimes and represent extremely socially dangerous behavior of natural persons or legal entities. The fight against VAT frauds, and frauds in general, based on the indirect taxes in all aspects of the system, and especially in the prosecution and the police is necessary requirement for survival of the system. Committing indirect taxes felonies can be incited by non-punishment or insufficient punishment, which in a short time period can bring to enrichment of certain levels of society that become elite in economic and political life. Such levels of society priory give poor image and poor representatives of our state, because with such behavior the same are indicating the behaviors full of personal interests and are leading the country toward the egoism, which should not represent an ideal to reach for at all but quite the opposite. Only the strong fight, with application of preventive and repressive methods of preventing the frauds, in which there are no untouchables, should priory become a categorical imperative in behavior and action.

Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed. The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve. ; Na bosanskom jeziku je početkom oktobra, ove godine, objavljen moj prijevod knjige Muhammed poslanik mira usred sukoba imperija, američkog historičara Juana Colea, profesora historije na Univerzitetu Michigan, urednika i pokretača portala Informed Comment, autora znatnog broja studija koje tretiraju historiju i civilizaciju Bliskog Istoka. Kako stoji u uredničkom podnaslovu izdavača, sarajevske izdavačke kuće Kupola, koja je ovu knjigu objavila u sklopu svoje edicije "Stubovi vremena", radi se o "biografiji Poslanika, a.s., kao vjesnika tolerancije i mira u jeku vizantijsko- perzijskih ratova."

Treći, završni dio ove studije, analizira odnos Bošnjaka i Bosne kroz interakciju tri hronološki i problemski povezana procesa. Prvim postupkom, definiranim kao 'arheologija politike zaborava', rekonstruiraju se, u svim dosadašnjim istraživanjima potpuno zapostavljeni, aspekti geneze historijskih i političkih faktora projekta negiranja Bošnjaka kao posebnog naroda/nacije, brisanja njihovog historijskog imena, naziva jezika te etničkog, duhovnog, kulturnog i državotvornog identiteta. Drugo, razmatra se pitanje odnosa Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije i Bosne kao njihove matične države, koju su oni stvorili i odbranili, iz generalne problemsko-teorijske perspektive kao i iz novijih zbivanja i aktuelne situacije. Treće, argumentira se teza da je očuvanje historijskog imena "Bošnjaci", vraćenog 28. septembra 1993. godine, trajni strateški imperativ svih Bošnjaka svijeta i conditio sine qua non opstanka Bosne kao države i kao koncepta. Kritički se analizira inicijativa da se umjesto historijskog imena upotrebljavaju teritorijalne odrednice "Bosanci", odnosno "Bosanci i Hercegovci" što ima za cilj definitivno ukloniti s historijske scene Bošnjake kao narod/naciju. Budući da je opstanak Bošnjaka nužni uvjet opstanka i postojanja Bosne, imperativ historijskog trenutka nalaže bezrezervno prihvatanje historijskog imena "Bošnjaci", obnovu osjećanja zajedničke pripadnosti i uzajamne povezanosti Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije, jačanje emotivne veze sa sopstvenim nacionalnim bićem te uspostavljanje svijesti o moralnoj obavezi svakog pojedinca Bošnjaka prema svom narodu, Bošnjacima, i njihovoj matičnoj državi Bosni. ; The third, final part of this study, analyses the relationship between Bosniaks and Bosnia through the interaction of three chronologically problem-related processes: 1. The procedure defined as 'The Archeology of the Politics of Oblivion' reconstructs in all previous research completely neglected aspects of the genesis of historical and political factors of the project of denial of Bosniaks as a separate people / nation, erasing their historical name, language name and ethnic, spiritual, cultural and state identity; 2. The issue of the relationship between Bosniaks as a people / nation and Bosnia, as their home state, which they created and defended, from the general problem-theory perspective as well as from recent events and with the current situation being considered; 3. The thesis is argued that the preservation of the historical name "Bosniaks", returned on September 28, 1993, is a permanent strategic imperative of all Bosniaks in the world and a conditio sine qua non of the survival of Bosnia as a state and as a concept. The initiative to use the territorial determinants "Bosnians" or "Bosnians and Herzegovinians" instead of the historical name, which aims to definitively remove Bosniaks from the historical scene as a people / nation, is critically analysed. Since the survival of Bosniaks is a necessary condition for the survival and existence of Bosnia, the imperatives of the historical moment require the unconditional acceptance of the historical name "Bosniaks", the renewal of the sense of common belonging and mutual connection of Bosniaks as a people / nation, strengthening the emotional connection with one's own national being and establishing the awareness of the moral obligation of every individual Bosniak towards his/her Bosniak people and their home state of Bosnia.

Users of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the purpose of various researches, often look for material that contains national, local heritage, history, material about politics and culture. In addition to the obligatory copy, NUBBIH replenishes its funds with exchanges and gifts. One such gift is the legacy of historian Prof. Dr. Hamdija Kapidžić. The Library got this gift in 2008. Part of this gift – correspondence, letters, postcards, old books, maps, etc., are located in the Department of Special Collections. The material has been undocumented for a long time and we decided to present to the public the archives of this famous Bosnian cultural and scientific worker through this brief overview and list. We hope that this brief review of the legacy of the historian Hamdija Kapidžić will bring new views on his life and scientific work and serve as a source for new research. ; Korisnici Nacionalne i univerzitetske biblioteke Bosne i Hercegovine u svrhu različitih istraživanja često traže građu koja sadrži podatke o nacionalnoj i lokalnoj historiji, politici, kulturi. Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine svoje fondove, pored obaveznog primjerka, popunjava razmjenom i poklonima. Jedan takav poklon jeste i zaostavština historičara Hamdije Kapidžića. Biblioteka je ovaj poklon zaprimila 2008. godine. Dio poklona, koji čine nekoliko predmeta, korespondencija, pisma, razglednice, stare knjige, karte, nalazi se na Odjeljenju Specijalnih zbirki. Građa već duže vrijeme stoji neobrađena pa smo odlučili kroz ovaj kratki pregled i popis javnosti predočiti arhivu ovog znamenitog bosanskohercegovačkog kulturnog i naučnog radnika. Nadamo se da će ovaj kratak osvrt na zaostavštinu historičara Hamdije Kapidžića donijeti nove poglede na njegov život i znanstveni rad i poslužiti kao izvor za nova istraživanja.

U prvom dijelu ove studije, objavljenom u prvom broju časopisa "Svjetionik", autor je ukratko izložio osnovne elemente filozofije politike karakteristične za historiju savremenih nacija u kojem je analizirao odnose pojedinca, naroda, nacije i države. Drugi dio ove studije fokusira se na odnos Bošnjaka prema kolektivnom sjećanju koje je, kako autor smatra, pod utjecajem dugoročne političke strategije susjeda, dovedeno na prag amnezije. Autor smatra da poljuljana kolektivna memorija predstavlja najneuralgičniji problem i najveću opasnost za historijsku reintegraciju i homogenizaciju Bošnjaka kao naroda i nacije. Autor naglašava da je "Bosanac" teritorijalna odrednica i potpuno isključuje nacionalnu odrednicu "Bošnjak". Koketiranje s formulacijom "Bošnjaci/Bosanci", koja se često koristi, ne samo što ne afirmira etničku i nacionalnu pripadnost Bošnjaka nego još dodatno negira njihovu posebnost – a time dovodi u pitanje i samo postojanje Bošnjaka. Bošnjak se rađa, Bošnjak se ostaje. "Bosanac" se postaje, "Bosanac" se prestaje biti. Bošnjak koji živi u Bosni ujedno je i "Bosanac". "Bosanac" koji nije Bošnjak, nigdje, pa ni u Bosni, ne postaje Bošnjak. Bošnjak koji ne živi u Bosni ostaje Bošnjak, ali prestaje biti "Bosanac". Cilj supstituiranja historijskog imena Bošnjaci teritorijalnom odrednicom "Bosanci", očigledan je: Razbiti homogeno jezgro Bošnjaka brisanjem svijesti o njihovoj etničkoj posebnosti, imenu, nacionalnom jedinstvu, zajedničkoj historiji, kulturi, jeziku, ukratko – zajedničkoj prošlosti, sadašnjosti i budućnosti. Također u studiji se podsjeća na razliku savremenog shvatanja nacije od načina na koji je ovaj društveni fenomen bio tumačen sve do sredine 20. stoljeća. Iza razgraničenja nacije od naroda, kao njegove navodno superiorne forme, u pozadini se krije nastojanje da se narod, kao objektivna činjenica, relativizira, uzajamne veze njegovih pripadnika oslabe i da se cijelo stanovništvo podvede pod kontrolu centralne političke moći – kao prividno integrirana i homogena cjelina. ; In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours. The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that "Bosnian" is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant "Bosniak". Flirting with the phrase "Bosniaks/Bosnians", which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.

U radu na osnovu arhivske građe, relevantne štampe i literature autorica analizira način otvaranja muslimanskih kiraethana širom Bosne i Hercegovine početkom 20. stoljeća. Pod kojim uslovima su se otvarale kiraethane, kakva pravila su imale, koje ciljeve te koliko je vlast nadzirala njihov rad neka su od važnih pitanja u radu. Posebna pažnja je posvećena kiraethanama u manjim mjestima gdje su one predstavljale centar svih društvenih dešavanja. Kiraethane nisu bile samo preteča biblioteka i čitaonica, one su najčešće u samom sastavu imale i druge sekcije poput muzičke i antialkoholne. Autorica također posebno analizira unutrašnje odnose na koje utječe političko stanje u zemlji te lični animoziteti uprave, ali i članova. ; Based on archival material, relevant press, and literature, the author analyzes the way of opening Muslim reading rooms throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the 20th century. Under what conditions the reading rooms were opened, what rules they had, what goals, and how much the government supervised their work is an important issue in the work. Special attention was paid to the reading rooms in smaller towns where they were the center of all social events. Reading rooms were not only the forerunners of libraries, they usually had other sections, such as music and anti-alcohol sections. The author also analyzes the internal relations that are dependent on the political situation in the country and the personal animosities of the management and members.

Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed. The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve. ; Većina promatrača političke situacije u Bosni i Hercegovini fokusirala se samo na probleme koje je Dejtonski mirovni sporazum stvorio za normalno funkcioniranje ove jugoistočno-evropske države, ali još uvijek je potrebno predložiti izvodljivo rješenje tih problema. Dejtonski sporazum je postigao mir umanjujući kapacitet države, blokirajući svaku sposobnost za efikasno upravljanje BiH pretjeranim raspršivanjem moći, s neuobičajenim ustavnim fokusom na internacionalizam i forsiranjem pogrešne vrste pluralizma koji podriva normalno funkcioniranje demokratije. Rješenje za te probleme treba naći u prilagođavanju procedure odabira Visokog predstavnika UN-a, koji je direktno odgovoran za provedbu Sporazuma, kako u pogledu slova tako i namjere tog dokumenta, a ovaj tekst objašnjava kako se ta promjena može izvršiti i koje probleme će takva promjena moći riješiti.

The author discusses the reasons for relativization of the national minorities protection policy of the Council of Europe and the European Union in light of the problems with national minorities protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The minorities protection policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina had implications for minority rights protection in Hungary and Croatia after Croatia's accession to the EU . The European Union, the Council of Europe and other European institutions defined their position towards minority rights in light of the European Court for Human Rights decision in the Sejdić and Finci case. The decision specified mandatory constitutional changes in terms of equal protection of national minority rights. According to the demanded constitutional revisions, the representatives of national minorities would have a right to compete for legal and executive positions in the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina. Before the ECHR decision, only representatives of the three constituent peoples – Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats could be nominated for positions in the legislature and in the executive institutions. The Council of Europe mediated by CoE Parliamentarian Assembly and Committee of Ministers threatened to suspend BiH membership to the CoE until the decision was implemented. At the same time, coordinated European Union institutions made the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) negotiated with Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2008 conditional upon the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci decision. The threat wasn't carried through and BiH became presiding country of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in 2014. In the meantime, the newly elected European Parliament as well as recently appointed European Commission accepted the SAA although the Sejdić-Finci decision was not incorporated in the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; Evropska unija, Savjet Evrope i druge evropske institucije bitno su odredile svoj odnos prema Bosni i Hercegovini u odnosu na primjenu Odluke Evropskog suda za ljudska prava "u slučaju Sejdić i Finci", koji nalaže obavezu ustavnih promjena u pravcu zaštite jednakosti prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina. Tim promjenama i predstavnici nacionlanih manjina imali bi pravo da budu kandidovani na sve pozicije zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Do odluke u spomenutom slučaju, poznatom kao "Sejdić – Finci", samo su pripadnici tri konstitutivna naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini – Srba, Bošnjaka i Hrvata, mogli da budu kandidovani za te funkcije. U više navrata Savjet Evrope je posredstvom Parlamentarne skupštine ili Komiteta ministara prijetio suspenzijom, čak i izbacivanjem Bosne i Hercegovine iz ove međunarodne organizacije. Istovremeno, čak i koordinisano, institucije Evropske unije raznih nivoa uslovljavale su ratifikaciju Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju (SAA ), postignutog još 2008. godine, isto primjenom navedene odluke. Prijetnja se odnosila na nepriznavanja izbornih rezultata na lokalnim izborima 2012. i opštim izborima 2014. godine. To se nije desilo, a u međuvremenu BiH je bila zemlja – predsjedavajuća Komiteta ministara Savjeta Evrope. Novoizabrani saziv Evropskog parlamenta i nova Evropska komisija prihvatili su Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju nakon opštih izbora u BiH 2014, iako odluka Evropskog suda za ljudska prava nije primijenjena. Predmet rada biće razlozi relativizacije manjinskih politika Savjeta Evrope i Evropske unije u politikama zaštite prava nacionalnih manjina u BiH. Time su postale vidljive i upozoravajuće i druge politike relativizacije položaja i prava nacionalnih manjina, poput Mađarske i Hrvatske, do čega je došlo nakon prijema ove dvije države u Evropsku uniju.

Početkom 20. stoljeća brojne krize potresale su Balkan, a one poput Aneksione (1908–1909) i Balkanskih ratova (1912–1913) snažno su utjecale na gibanja u bosanskohercegovačkom društvu. Suočena s vrlo kompleksnom političkom situacijom na Balkanu, Austro-Ugarska je morala izgraditi strategiju jačanja svog utjecaja na ovom području. U tom smislu, Sarajevo je trebalo odigrati vrlo važnu ulogu. U ovom radu se želi pokazati kako je austrougarska vlast u Bosni i Hercegovini, plasirajući ideju da bi se u Sarajevu mogao osnovati univerzitet, lavirala između davno zacrtane kulturne misije u datom području i političkih mahinacija kojima se trebao anulirati rastući utjecaj Srbije. Reakcija javnosti, kako one u Bosni i Hercegovini, tako i one u Monarhiji, na ideju o osnivanju sarajevskog univerziteta, primorala je njene glavne zagovornike na propitivanje vlastitih političkih rezona. ; At the beginning of the 20th century, the Balkans was the epicentre of numerous crises and some of them (the Annexation Crisis 1908–1909 and the Balkan Wars 1912–1913) had a major effect on social activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, faced with a very complex political situation in the Balkans, Austro-Hungary was about to develop a strategy of increasing its own influence in the mentioned area. Consequently, Sarajevo was bound to play an important role in these plans. This paper argues that, by promoting the idea of establishing a university in Sarajevo, the Austro-Hungarian authorities were actually oscillating between their previous plan of conducting a cultural mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and political machinations aimed at the annihilation of Serbian influence. The public reactions in Bosnia, as well as in the remainder of the Monarchy, forced the solicitors of this idea to re-examine their own political considerations.

Ovaj se članak zalaže za oživljavanje međureligijskog dijaloga o etici i zakonu kao instrumentu mira i pomirenja. Dok je prvu fazu IRD obilježila značajnu istaknutost ovih tema, one su u drugoj fazi postale manje važne. Ovo treba ispraviti iz dva razloga. Teoretski je racionalnost dogmatskih ili sistematskih uvida (kakva se nalazi u svim vjerskim tradicijama) uglavnom isključiva, dok je racionalnost etike, također religijski utemeljena etika, u osnovi inkluzivna. Stoga je otvoren za dijalog. Postoje značajne zajedničke točke oko normi, pravila i vrijednosti između vjerskih tradicija, koje trebaju služiti ljudima, društvu i političkoj zajednici. To je od posebne važnosti u današnjim multireligijskim društvima, kao i u svijetu koji je više nego ikad povezan globalizacijom. Članak završava analizom dokumenta o ljudskom bratstvu pape Franje i velikog imama Ahmada al-Tayyeba i njegovog etičkog pristupa dijalogu. ; The present article pleads for the revival of an interreligious dialogue on ethics and law as an instrument of peace and reconciliation. Whereas the first phase of IRD was marked by a considerable prominence of these topics, the have become of less importance in the second phase. This needs correction for two reasons. Theoretically the rationality of dogmatic or systematic insights (as found in all faith traditions) is largely exclusive, whereas the rationality of ethics, also religiously founded ethics, is basically inclusive. It is therefore open to dialogue. There exists considerable common ground on norms, rules and values between religious traditions, which are to serve humans, the society and the political community. This is of particular importance in today's multi-religious societies as well as in a world more than ever interconnected by globalization. The article concludes with an analysis of the document on Human Fraternity of Pope Francis and Grand Imam Ahmad al-Tayyeb and its ethical approach to dialogue.

The article discusses the status, rights and perspectives of the minorities and "non-constituent" peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The status of the "constituent minorities" (the "Others") is very specific and different from the minorities' status in neighbouring countries. The article argues that in Bosnia and Herzegovina "traditional" attitudes like ethno-nationalism, discrimination, violation of minorities rights and freedoms are still very dominant. A direct consequence of this socio-political atmosphere is ethno-particularisation of society and destabilization of the state in domestic and international contexts. This short review of the status of minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an insight into the international and national instruments that regulate the status and rights of the national minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors highlight the specificity of the country, i.e. the institutional discrimination of citizens that belong to the "others", but are still citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors claim that the citizenship of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be an efficient protection against the observed discrimination. ; Tema ovog članka je položaj, prava i perspektiva manjina i "nekonstitutivnih" naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini. Položaj posebne grupe "konstitutivnih manjina" (tzv. ostalih) Bosnu i Hercegovinu čini specifičnom i po mnogim faktorima razlikuje od drugih država u okruženju. Članak se fokusira na tezu da u Bosni i Hercegovini još uvijek dominiraju određene "tradicionalne" političke i društvene projekcije koje se iskazuju u formi etnonacionalizma, diskriminacije, kršenja manjinskih prava i sloboda, odnosno demokraciji neprimjerenih supstrata i supstituta. Izravan produkt ovakvog socio-političkog ambijenta jeste etno-partikularizacija društva i destabilizacija države na unutarnjem i međunarodnom planu. Ovaj kratki ogled o položaju manjina u Bosni i Hercegovini, sem pregleda međunarodnih i nacionalnih instrumenata koji reguliraju status i prava nacionalnih manjina, nudi uvid u pomenutu specifičnost Bosne i Hercegovine: institucionaliziranu diskriminaciju građana koji pripadaju kategoriji "ostali", koji su žrtve diskriminacije, iako bi njihovo bosanskohercegovačko državljanstvo per se, i po prirodi stvari, trebalo predstavljati učinkovitu smetnju ovakvoj diskriminaciji.