Nakon završetka hladnoga rata mijenja se paradigma globalne sigurnosti. Sve su manje mogućnosti međudržavnih sukoba (zanemarive, ali ne i nemoguće), dok globalnu sigurnost više ugrožavaju tzv. nedržavni akteri, kao što su razne terorističke skupine, nove prijetnje u obliku krijumčarenja ljudi, droga, oružja masovnoga uništenja itd. Na njih je sve teže reagirati s pozicije logike države, već treba reagirati zajednički, na osnovi zajedničkih kriterija, a takve kriterije nudi logika tržišta. Budući da države još uvijek igraju određenu ulogu u učvršćivanju globalne sigurnosti, bilo bi optimalno kombinirati logiku države i tržišta, što znači njihovo prožimanje. O tome svjedoče problemi koji se javljaju oko rješavanja aktualnih sigurnosnih kriza u svijetu, kao što je primjerice slučaj Ukrajine. Ako se rješenja traže samo na osnovi logike tržišta ili samo na osnovi logike države, a ne na osnovi prožimanja tih dviju logika, izgledi za očuvanje globalne stabilnosti i sigurnosti bitno se smanjuju. ; The paradigm of global security has been changed after the Cold War. There are not so many possibilities for interstate conflicts (they are negligible, but not impossible), while global security is more endangered by the so called non-state actors such as different terrorist groups, new threats in the form of smuggling people, drugs, weapon of mass destruction, etc. It becomes harder and harder to react on them from the position of the state logics, it is necessary to react on them jointly, on the basis of common criteria and such criteria are offered by the market logics. Since states still play a certain role in reinforcing global security, it should be optimal to combine the logics of the state and market which means its interfusion. The evidence for that are problems which arise in solving the current security crises in the world, such as Ukraine case. If the solutions are searched only on the basis of the market logics or only on the basis of the state logics and not on the basis of interfusion of those two, perspectives for preserving global stability and security are crucially decreased.
U crkvi sv. Kaja u Solinu nalazi se rimski "sarkofag" s prikazom Heraklovih djela, izvorno isklesan u litici unutar male spilje. Spomenik u obliku sanduka u neposrednoj blizini zapadne salonitanske nekropole bio je presudan da se u dosadašnjoj literaturi protumači kao antički sarkofag. Budući da je podzemni potok izvirao u spilji, a voda se skupljala u kamenom recipijentu s Heraklovim reljefima, odakle je otjecala, autorica prepoznaje Heraklovo svetište u prirodi. Tradicija o posvećenoj vodi sačuvana je do danas štovanjem Sv. Kaja pape, potvrđujući važnost antičkog izvora posvećenog Heraklu. ; During the visit of Austrian Emperor Francis I to Dalmatia as well as to the monuments of Salona, in a little cave, what was called a sarcophagus with depictions of the labours of Heracles was discovered. Carved out of the living rock, it was protected first of all by the building of a chapel, and then of a church dedicated to St Caius the Pope, in which it served as an altar. The labours of the very popular deified hero of the antique world, the Greek Heracles, or the Roman Hercules, were shown in high relief. These are individual scenes of his life, particularly of the well-known cycle of the 12 Labours performed for the king of Mycenae: Heracles and Cerberus, Heracles taking Alcestis from the underground, Heracles and the Stymphalian birds, and the apples of the gardens of the Hesperides. Since the reliefs are carved on a stone chest the appearance of which recalls a sarcophagus, and since it lies in the immediate vicinity of the western Salona necropolis, this was crucial for the monument in the literature to date having been interpreted as an antique sarcophagus. This was contributed to by its identification with the tomb of St Caius Pope and Martyr, since it was used as altar in the sanctuary of the church dedicated to him. However the very existence of a spring and of the water that collected in the stone chest, a recipient, with the reliefs of Heracles, from which it flowed out as if consecrated, rules out the possibility of interpreting the monument as antique sarcophagus. It is very likely a shrine to Heracles placed in nature. The tradition about the holy water has been preserved down to this very day through the cult and reverence for St Caius the Pope, confirming the importance of the ancient spring dedicated to Heracles. The monument, of a very high artistic quality, the stone of which is polished until it resembles marble, was created by the local craftsmen of the Salona workshops according to models of imported plastics, which figured a lot in Salona. Heracles's shrine in nature with a spring in the rocks of a cliff from which reliefs with the exploits of Heracles were carved out is an outstanding example of a cult of a deified ancient hero. According to finds to date, reverence for Heracles was extremely widely distributed in the Roman province of Dalmatia, particularly in the capital and environs. The placing of a sculpture in the city forum of the Roman colony of the meritorious military veterans in Aequum or in some private settings, as N. Cambi considers with respect to two Salona sculptures found in the channels of the Jadro River, that is, by the Five Bridges or in the nearby ancient quarries, confirms the places and context of the Heracles cult. From this point of view, the cult of Heracles at a spring, as shrine in nature - perhaps once a Iucus Herculis, today the Church of St Caius, is an exceptional example, which considerably enriches our understanding of the cult of Heracles in the capital of the Roman province of Dalmatia. According to the examples in Pula of Heracles shrines in nature directly linked with sources and watercourses, something similar can be assumed with respect to the cult and the reverence for it in Salona. That is, the find of a sculpture of Heracles with the Apples of the Hesperides by the Five Bridges, where the 48 channel of the Jadro flowed , and the spolia of a relief of Heracles in battle with the Nemean lion in the floor of the cathedral in the immediate vicinity perhaps belonged to the same shrine of Heracles, also alongside a watercourse. We do not know the precise place of the Roman copy of the Lysippus statue the so-called Weary Heracles found in a channel of the river of the eastern part of the town. For this reason in Urbs Orientalis, where many channels and springs were discovered in archaeological research, the reverence for the cult of Heracles was discovered, and precisely perhaps as a patron of water. In this context, the shrine in nature in St Caius's harmonises very well, however, with the topic of Heracles as patron of springs and the underworld, which shows the reverence for the most popular hero of the ancient world in Roman Dalmatia in a very new light.
The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.
The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into the emergence of the modern state in Latin Europe, its spread into other parts of the world, its crisis, & its future prospects. In Europe, the conflict between the church & the state was central for the evolution of the state. The Latin Church inherited the politically significant legacy of antiquity, especially of the Roman Empire. This legacy includes the territorial principle, the idea of service in the interest of the public good, the rule of law & not individuals, & the idea of discipline or voluntary obedience. Also included is the concept of total control of owners over their property. The modern state emerged as a warrior state; however, it soon became clear that it needed emotional mobilization. In many cases religious identity represented a pre-phase of national identity. This meant that the modern state was a system of faith. The Enlightenment fostered the growth of the state, but also contributed to its downfall, since those who know how the state functions cease to have faith in it. The author concludes that the state will remain, but in a decentralized & pluralist form. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
Autor iznosi ključne postupke diplomacije Nezavisne Države Hrvatske: od ustrojstva ministarstva vanjskih poslova u travnju 1941. do zadnjih pokušaja spašavanja NDH u svibnju 1945. U članku su prezentirani svi relevantni događaji za diplomaciju NDH s naglaskom na najvažnije aktere u pojedinim diplomatskim akcijama. Navedeni su svi ministri vanjskih poslova koji su bili na čelu ministarstva, njihove diplomatske aktivnosti te razlozi njihove smjene ili ostavke. Članak također daje uvid u krajnju zavisnost ustaškog režima prema fašističkim saveznicama, Njemačkoj i Italiji – obrađujući odnos sa svakom od njih posebno. Učestalo mijenjanje ministara vanjskih poslova i poslanika u najvažnijim državama za NDH izraz je visoke nestabilnosti i podčinjenosti ustaškog režima okupacijskim silama. ; The author presents the key moments of the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia: from the organization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in April 1941 to the last attempts to save the Independent State of Croatia in May 1945. The article presents all relevant events for the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia with a focus on the most important participant in certain diplomatic actions. The paper lists all foreign ministers who headed the ministry, their diplomatic activities and the reasons for their dismissal or resignation. The article also provides an insight into the utmost dependence of the Ustasha regime on fascist allies, Germany and Italy. processing the relationship with each of them separately. The frequent change of foreign ministers and ambassadors in the most important states for the NDH is an expression of high instability and subordination of the Ustasha regime to the occupying forces.
Ovaj rad polazi od manjkave osmišljenosli uloge suvremene demokratske države sa željom da nastavi diskusiju o demokratskoj državi kao jednom idealu koji u potpunosti još nigdje nije do kraja realiziran. Autor kritizira neprikladan odnos prema državi koji je pod okriljem Marxove teorije razvijan u jednom duljem razdoblju kod nas. Ljudima koji bi htjeli olako ukinuti državu, ili je svesti na samo jednu dimenziju, po autorovu mišljenju, treba stalno obraćati pažnju na činjenicu da je život u čitavoj ovoj našoj civilizaciji vezan uz cjeline koje traže neprekidno rješavanje određenih zadataka. Država prema tome nije po sebi loša, već je loša samo u slučaju ako djeluje protivno javnim interesima. U suvremenosti je posebno interesantna uloga države u rješavanju ekološke problematike, što autor ističe kao primjer potrebe razumijevanja države kao regulator zajedničkih poslova. Po autorovom mišljenju država kao regulator zajedničkih poslova ima još mnogo zadataka i treba je stalno usavršavati i osposobljavati da ih izvrši na najbolji način. ; Having in mind a deficiently elaborated role of the contemporary democratic state, in this paper the author attempts to continue the discussion about the democratic stale as an ideal not yet fully realized anywhere. The author criticizes the inadequate relationship towards the state, developing in Yugoslavia for a long lime, under the wing of Marx's theory. According to the author those who wish to easily abolish the stale or reduce it to only on only one dimension must be constantly warned of the fact that life in our entire civilization is linked to issues requiring incessant settling. Therefore, the state is not bad in itself but only when acting against public interests. Today, an especially interesting role of the state is in solving environmental problems, which the author stresses as an example of the need to look upon the slate as a regulator of communal affairs. According to the author, the state as regulator of communal affairs has many other tasks to fulfill and should be constantly perfected as well as enabled to carry out those tasks in the best way.
The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents. ; The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents.
U tekstu se rastvara pojam "dekonstrukcije" administrativne države u SAD-u kao njen reprezentativni primjer. Polazeći od dominacije moderne administrativne države, puna slika suvremenog konstitucionalizma u SAD-u mora uključivati administrativni konstitucionalizam kao svekoliko razumijevanje i interpretaciju suvremene administrativne države i njene strukture od strane agencija i drugih aktivnih aktera upravnoga prava. Administrativni konstitucionalizam danas je jedan od najintenzivnije izučavanih predmeta istraživanja komparativnog ustavnog i upravnog prava. Razlog egzegeze ovoga pitanja nisu samo njegove različite dimenzije već i činjenica da on predstavlja glavni mehanizam kojim se danas elaborira i implementira ustavno značenje. ; This paper opens up the concept of "deconstruction "of administrative states in the USA as its representative example. Starting from the domination of a modern administrative state, the full picture of modern constitutionalism in the USA must include administrative constitutionalism as overall understanding and interpretation of a modern administrative state and its structure by agencies and other active participants in administrative law. Administrative constitutionalism is today one of the most intensively studied subjects of investigation of comparative constitutional and administrative law. The reason for exegesis of this issue is not only its various dimensions but also the fact that it represents the main mechanism which today elaborates and implements constitutional meaning.
Rad se bavi inačicom socijalne države koja se od devedesetih godina razvijala u Hrvatskoj, odnosno pitanjem kako su socijalni programi za veterane i pretvaranje veteranskih organizacija u ključne političke aktere utjecali na njezin razvoj. Hrvatska ima oko pola milijuna registriranih veterana te snažne i brojne veteranske organizacije. Djelomice reagirajući na mobilizaciju veteranskih organizacija, vlade predvođene HDZ-om stvarale su od 1994. trajne materijalne povlastice za veterane, uz simbolične poveznice koje njeguju od svršetka Domovinskog rata. Jačanje veteranskih organizacija kao političkih aktera utjecalo je stoga na razvoj socijalne države u Hrvatskoj. Snažno oslanjanje na obitelj u pružanju skrbi središnje je obilježje koje Hrvatska dijeli s drugima konzervativnim socijalnim državama, dok je klijentelistički karakter odnosa između države i društvenih skupina povezuje s južnim tipom konzervativne socijalne države. Nadalje, Hrvatsku obilježavaju "kompenzacijski" socijalni programi, kako za veterane tako i u obiteljskoj politici općenito, koji imaju kontradiktorne društvene učinke. Klijentelističku inačicu konzervativne socijalne države u Hrvatskoj održava politička mobilizacija veteranskih organizacija, ali je istodobno nagrizaju odnosi ovisnosti, predbacivanja i brojni drugi socijalni učinci tih programa. Ovaj rad ukazuje na potrebu obuhvatnijih komparativnih istraživanja socijalne države u Hrvatskoj. ; The paper theorizes about the type of welfare state that emerged in Croatia post-1990, focusing specifically on ways in which the evolution of welfare programmes for veterans, and the gradual strengthening of veteran organizations as pivotal political actors, impacted its morphology. Croatia currently has a population of around 500,000 registered veterans, which in the mid-1990 started organizing into powerful organizations. Partly in response to this mobilization, from 1994 onwards HDZ governments created a comprehensive institutional architecture of entitlements for veterans, instituting durable material linkages alongside symbolic ties to this population. The prominence of veterans as a pivotal political actor has impacted the development of the welfare regime in Croatia. Strong reliance on the family for a broad range of care work is the central feature Croatia shares with other conservative welfare regimes, while the clientelist character of state-society relations relates it specifically to their Southern variant. Distinctly, the "compensatory" character of welfare programmes, which is characteristic of veteran programmes, and of family policy in Croatia generally, creates contradictory impulses. What seems to have emerged is a specific clientelist variant of a conservative welfare regime, sustained by veteran mobilizations, while at the same time eroded by the dependency, resentment and a myriad of other social impacts of these programmes. Future research on the welfare state in Croatia will hopefully further explore the arguments that this paper brings forward.
Analiza polazi od Rawlsova stajališta da autonomne osobe u liberalnom društvu trebaju posjedovati dvije moralne moći – kapacitet koji se odnosi na smisao za pravdu te za formiranje, slijeđenje i reviziju koncepcije dobra. Politički ili neutralni liberalizam podržava opravdanost državne intervencije za poboljšanje prvog kapaciteta, ujedno proglašavajući utjecaj na drugi kapacitet nelegitimnim. Kritika ove pozicije izložena je kroz analizu stajališta Jonathana Quonga i Marthe Nussbaum, ukazujući na to da ona vode do dozvoljavanja iracionalnih i autoritarnih pozicija u obrazovanju, odnosno do zapostavljanja razvoja vrijednih kapaciteta. Premda institucionalni utjecaj može biti pristran i paternalistički, u pojedinim se slučajevima može ukazati na legitimnost institucionalne intervencije u osiguravanju uvjeta koji poboljšavaju sposobnost osoba da procjenjuju, preispituju i revidiraju vlastite koncepcije dobra. ; Analysis starts from Rawls's disposition that in a liberal society autonomous persons should have two moral powers – the capacity for a sense of justice and the capacity to establish, pursue and revise the concept of the good. Political or neutral liberalism advocates the justification of state intervention to improve the first type of capacity while declaring the interference with the second capacity illegitimate. The critique of this disposition is done by analysing the perspectives of Jonathan Quong and Martha Nussbaum, showing that they lead to allowing irrational and authoritarian perspectives in education, that is, neglecting the development of valuable capacities. Although institutional influence can be biased and paternalistic, in some cases it may be legitimate for the institution to create conditions that enhance people's ability to evaluate, reevaluate, and revise their conceptions of the good.
The author analyzes the role of religion in the formation of national identities in Central & Eastern Europe on the example of the Catholic Church in Poland in the 20th century. In Poland, like in most Central-European & Eastern-European societies, national identity developed against the state & was founded on certain elements of ethnic culture & tradition, the central position belonging to the Church. During communism, the Polish Catholic Church had the leading position in the construction of national identity, which identified Polishness with Catholicism. The Church also had a crucial role in the destruction of the communist system. However, it has found it increasingly difficult to adapt to the new conditions of political democracy as well as ideological & cultural pluralism. As has been sown through the debates on abortion & religious education in state schools, the attempt by the Church to achieve the statues of moral arbiter, above all democratic institutions, has resulted in new divisions & jeopardized its influence in the society. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.
