Nakon uvoda autor obrađuje četiri teme: 1. osnutak, svrha i oblik pastoralno- informativnoga lista Crkva na kamenu, 2. četiri dosadašnja razdoblja lista Crkva na kamenu (komunističko razdoblje, razdoblje demokratskih izbora, Domovinskoga rata te poraća), 3. sadržajna strana Crkve na kamenu i 4. komunikacijski stav prema čitateljima i stav čitatelja prema Crkvi na kamenu. U zaključku se ističe kako je ovaj list od 1980. godine, kada ga je osnovao mostarsko-duvanjski biskup i apostolski upravitelj trebinjsko-mrkanski mons. Pavao Žanić, pa do sada odigrao veliku vjersku, povijesnu i kulturološku ulogu u Crkvi i društvu te da mu je trajna zadaća prinos boljitku života ljudi u društvenim i kršćanskim zajednicama na temelju Dekaloga, evanđeoskih i crkvenih zasada. ; After the introductory part the author analyzes four topics: 1. establishment, purpose and form of pastoral-informative newspaper Crkva na kamenu (Church on the rock), 2. four past periods of the newspaper Crkva na kamenu (communistic period, period of democratic elections, Croatian War of Independence and after-war period), 3. content side of the newspaper, 4. communication attitude to readers and readers' attitude to Crkva na kamenu. The conclusion points out that this newspaper since 1980, when it was founded by the bishop of Mostar-Duvno and Apostolic Administrator of Trebinje-Mrkan Mons. Pavao Žanić, till now has played a great religious, historical and cultural role in the Church and society and that its permanent task is contributing to the benefit of people in social and Christian communities on the basis of Decalogue, evangelical and Church foundations.
Demokracija označava pluralistički oblik upravljanja u kojemu se odluke donose izravnim ili neizravnim putem, većinom glasova. Članak se bavi analizom suodnosa demokratičnosti društva i stupnja demokratičnosti u upravljanju lokalnom baptističkom crkvom Saveza baptističkih crkava u Republici Hrvatskoj, koja je strukturno temeljena na kongregacijskome modelu upravljanja. ; Democracy is a pluralist form of government where the decisions are made directly or indirectly through the majority of votes. This article deals with analyzing the correlation between the level of democracy in society and the level of democracy in managing local Baptist churches in the Baptist Union in Croatia, which is structurally based on a congregational model of management.
Autor donosi izvore o osnutku dominikanskog samostana u Trogiru s posebnim osvrtom na širenje dominikanskog reda u hrvatskim krajevima u XIII. i XIV. stoljeću. Samostan je utemeljen nakon 1260. godine na predjelu Pasike izvan gradskih zidina kod crkvice sv. Franje Asiškog. Uz detaljne opise crkve i samostana kao i pregled temeljite rekonstrukcije samostanskih zgrada tijekom XIX. i XX. stoljeća, autor navodi bogati sakralni i umjetnički inventar. Posebice naglašava ulogu dominikanskog samostana u Trogiru kao i djelatnost uglednih članova ove zajednice na širem području. ; In the 13th century, two mendicant religious orders, the Dominican and the Franciscan, spread throughout the whole of Europe, promoting the ideas of equality, justice, piety and voluntary renunciation of ties to property. No more than a decade after the establishment of the order (1216), the Dominicans started to settle in the lands of the Croats. This preaching order, which primarily operated in urban units – in the centre of political, social, cultural and religious events – founded a base in Trogir some little time before 1243, and in the 1260s this became a monastery. Under the influence of the Cistercians, the Dominicans built hall churches, which differed according to the functionality of the rite. The Dominican churches were meant primarily for the laity, the choirs for the religious. The Trogir monastery in its typology follows the rules of construction – the spaces are arranged around a cloister – the church, choir, sacristy, bell tower, capitulary hall, kitchen, refectory, locutory and garden, while on the top there was dormitory and library. The Dominicans arrived in Trogir from the Split monastery of St Catherine of Alexandria. The town magistrate, Nikola Albertinov, who had the presentation to the little church of St Francis of Assisi in the area of Pasike, gave them a little church to the west of the city walls. After conflicts with the Trogir bishop, in 1365, Pope Clement IV acknowledged the lawfulness of their possession of the church and approved a plan for the construction of the monastery. However, around 1325, the church was enlarged, and in 1372, thanks to the generosity of the Kažotić and Andreis families, was extended, when the relief of the lunette of the main portal was made by Niccolò Dente known as Cervo from Venice. In the second half of the 16th century during a visitation by A. Valiero, six altars are mentioned, with a beautiful old altarpiece on the altar of St Catherine of Alexandria. In the early 17th century, as well as the large church, the Trogir Dominicans also had the Church of St Rochus alongside the southern walls of the city and the Church of St Mary outside the walls, with three altars. At the beginning of the 15th century the community used a house south of the church that was knocked down in 1412 to make room for the construction of the city walls on the town's south side. Today's monastery building was put up in 1425, as witnessed by the inscription incorporated into the eastern wall of the cloister. Major alterations were undertaken on the building of the monastery in the 19th and 20th centuries, when military units were quartered in it; and the monastery was thoroughly renovated before World War I. During the time of the English bombing in 1944, the northern wing was completely demolished, the roof of the church was destroyed, and the eastern and western wings suffered minor damage. The most celebrated member of the Trogir Dominican monastery was the 107 Blessed Augustin Kažotić (1260-1323) from a well-regarded Trogir family. He studied at the university of Paris, wrote several theological treatises, and held the offices of bishop of Zagreb and of Lucera. Also deserving of mention is the prior of the monastery in Trogir, baccalaureate and doctor of theology Vinko Andreis, who urged both the doge and the pope to come to the aid of Croatia against the Ottomans. In 1515 he was appointed papal commissioner for Illyria. In the 15th century, calligrapher and illuminator Fra Bartul was at work in the monastery, and another prominent figure is the priest Nikola Milinović, founder of the monastery of Holy Cross on Čiovo. The particular importance of the Trogir monastery came out at the end of the 16th and in the early 17th century, when a branch of the Zadar General College was opened in Trogir, with two degrees of university studies. At the end of the 18th century, the Trogir and Čiovo Dominicans were particularly prominent for their education in the theological and humanist sciences.
Rad je podijeljen na četiri dijela. U prvom dijelu se predstavlja nauk konstitucije Gaudium et spes o odnosu Crkve i politike. Obrađuje se: narav i svrha političke zajednice, suradnja svih u političkom životu te politička zajednica i Crkva. Stavovi Ivana Pavla II. o vjernicima u politici predstavljeni su prikazom dokumenta Sinode o laicima 1987.: Christifideles laici koji je objavljen 1990. Papa je snažno tražio od laika da se uključe u politički život i smatrao da je grijeh ne baviti se politikom, s mišlju: svi su predmet i protagonisti politike. Poziva se na promicanje solidarnosti i karitativnog rada kroz politiku. Crkva i laici su dužni evangelizirati društveno-ekonomski život kao i kulturu. Zatim se iznose osnovne ideje iz Katekizma Katoličke Crkve i na koncu se obrađuje Doktrinarna nota o katolicima u politici, Zbora za nauk vjere iz 2002. godine. Nauk novijih crkvenih dokumenata o ovoj temi može se sažeti ovako: Vlast i država izviru iz ljudske naravi i moralnog zakona, a onda to znači i da imaju i božanski izvor. One su potrebne za funkcioniranje ljudskog života. Opće dobro i poštovanje osobe ključni su kriteriji za prosudbu svake vlasti, političara, režima i stranke. Priznaje se autonomija i odvojenost Crkve i države. Priznaje se pluralizam stranaka i režima. Poziva se sve kršćane da se uključe u politički život, dapače grijeh je ne baviti se politikom. Ako se zakoni i vlast protive općem dobru i dobru osobe, onda se vjernik političar treba distancirati i ne glasati za takve zakone. Crkva treba biti kritička svijest i savjest društva. ; This article is divided into four parts. The first part presents the doctrine of the constitution as described in Gaudium et spes: in other words it deals with the relationship between church and politics. It deals with the nature and purpose of political community, the cooperation of all in political life, and the political community and the Church. The views of John Paul II on the role of believers in politics are presented through an analysis of the 1987 Synod document on the laity, Christifideles laici, which was published in 1990. The pope strongly urges the laity to become involved in political life and takes the position that abjuring from politics can be sinful, noting that all are subject to and all are protagonists in politics. The pope stresses the necessity of promoting solidarity and charitable works through politics. Church and laity are obliged to evangelize in social and economic life as well as culture. The paper goes on to present the basic ideas of the Catechism of the Catholic Church, and finally the ideas of the Doctrinal Note on Catholics in Politics, issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in 2002. The doctrine of recent Church documents on this topic may be summarized as follows: authority and the state stem from human nature and the moral law, and this means that they have a divine source. They are necessary for the functioning of human life. The common good and respect for persons are the key criteria for judging governments, politicians, regimes and parties. The autonomy and separation of church and state should be recognized. The pluralism of parties and regimes should be recognized. All Christians are called to become involved in political life: in fact, it is sinful not to be involved in politics. If laws or authorities are against the common good and the good of the person, then the believer politician should distance himself from such laws and authorities and should not vote for such laws. The Church should be a critical conscience of society.
Naš plan istraživanja će se usredotočiti na tri ključna elemen- ta. Prvi element je sam pojam krize; drugi je nit istraživanja, a to je socijalni nauk Katoličke crkve o krizi; treći je istraživanje konkret- nog slučaja, naime Katoličke Crkve u Portugalu te praktične primjene crkvenog nauka u vremenu krize. Kako bismo bolje razumjeli o čemu je riječ, ponajprije ćemo progovoriti o specifičnom kontekstu (suvreme- no post-industrijsko društvo) te o specifičnom povijesnom razdoblju (od kraja 19. st. do danas).Drugo, naš će govor biti u svezi s nekim neovisnim čimbenicima, poput financijskog, ekonomskog, političkog, kulturnog i antropološkog okvira u kojemu se nalazi moderno društvo. Treće, dijakronička i sinkronijska analizu mnogostrukih i neistraže- nih crkvenih prvotnih izvora omogućit će nam dublju spoznaju razvo- ja fenomena krize, razumijevanje njezinih posljedica, kao i tumačenje onoga što Crkva predlaže kao pomoć u nadvladavanju krize. Napo- kon, kako bismo dali dodatnu važnost našem istraživanju, fokusirat ćemo se na Portugal kako bismo vidjeli kako je, u kontekstu duboke društveno-ekonomske krize, Crkva djelovala u promicanju i praktici- ranju nove humanističke sinteze koja smješta čovjeka kao cilj i sredi- šte cjelokupnog društveno-ekonomskog života. ; Our research plan will focus on three key elements: one con- cept- the crisis; one research thread- the social doctrine of the Cat- holic Church on the crisis; one case study- the Portuguese Catholic Church and practical application of theology in the face of crisis. First, we will try to comprehend our dependent variable by inserting it in a specific context (contemporary post-industrial societies) and in a specific period of time (since the late XIX century until today). Secondly, we will make it interact with some independent variables such as the financial, economic, political, cultural and anthropologi- cal framework of modern societies. Thirdly, throughout a diachronic and synchronic analysis of the Church's multiple and unexplored primary sources we will be able to observe the evolution of the phe- nomenon, understand its modern consequences, and interpret the Church's proposition to overcome the crisis. Finally, in order to give greater substance to our research, we will focus on Portugal to see how, in a context of profound socio-economic crisis, the Chur- ch has been acting with a view to promoting and practicing a new humanistic synthesis that places man as the aim and centre of all socio-economic life.
Crkva sv. Mihajla u Stonu važan je spomenik srednjovjekovne graditeljske baštine šireg dubrovačkog prostora i jedini je sigurno potvrđeni spomenik tzv. južnodalmatinskog jednobrodnog kupolnog tipa na prostoru nekadašnjeg Zahumlja. Podignuta je na vrhu uzvisine Gradac, tj. brdu sv. Mihajla (kota 107), na mjestu ranijeg utvrđenja. Na temelju analize arhitekture Sv. Mihajla, kao i pripadajuće mu kamene opreme nastojalo se ukazati da je crkva predromaničkog podrijetla. Također, predloženo je da je zvonik (zapadno zdanje) izgrađen zajedno sa crkvom, jer tlocrtna zamisao stonske građevine (odnos dužine i širine, neznatno istaknuta apsida), njezine male dimenzije, kao i vertikalna stratigrafija (zvonik, ali i kupola), upućuju na funkciju tog zdanja podignutog kao dvorske kapele. Po svemu sudeći, crkva je od vremena podizanja bila posvećena arhanđelu Mihovilu, budući da je štovanje tog nebeskog vojskovođe, kao zaštitnika vladara i njihovih vojnih pohoda, bilo osobito rašireno među vladajućim slojem u ranom srednjem vijeku, pa bi ta znakovita posveta bila u skladu s njezinom funkcijom. Vrijeme izgradnje vladarske kapele sv. Mihajla najvjerojatnije bi trebalo dovesti u vezu s prvim, povijesno zasvjedočenim i najvažnijim zahumskim vladarom u Stonu - knezom Mihajlom Viševićem (prije 910.- nakon 928.), kada Ston biva upravnim i crkvenim sjedištem te sklavinije. Na osnovu analize mlađeg sloja skulpture iz Sv. Mihajla (monumentalni prozorski okviri i ulomak s ljudskim licem) i zidnih oslika, moguće je pretpostaviti da je vladarska kapela bila znatnije i raskošnije opremljena oko sredine 11. stoljeća. Imajući u vidu povijesna vrela o onodobnom Stonu predloženo je da je za tu obnovu bio zaslužan Stefan Vojislav (prije 1018.-43./50.), rodonačelnik dinastije Vojislavljevića. Na tu pretpostavku bi upućivao podatak da je Vojislav, nakon pobjede nad Bizantom i njegovim saveznicima (među kojima je bio ugledni zahumski knez Ljutovit), osvojio prijestolnicu zahumskih vladara. Da je u njoj neko vrijeme i boravio potvrđuje vijest koju donosi bizantski pisac Kekavmen - da je bio toparh u Stonu i da je zarobio dubrovačkoga stratega. Stoga osvajanje Stona, kao i slavna pobjeda nad Bizantom, ali i Ljutovitom koji je predvodio savezničku vojsku, nameće se kao mogući razlog zašto je Stefan Vojislav obnovio stonsku crkvu, točnije zabilježio svoj vojni trijumf u vladarskoj kapeli poraženog zahumskog vladara. Spomenuta obnova stonske crkve najvjerojatnije se dogodila u razdoblju između 1042/43. i 1050. godine, odnosno nakon Vojislavove pobjede i njegove smrti. ; St Michael's church in Ston is an important monument of medieval architectural heritage within a wider area of Dubrovnik and the only positively attested monument of the so-called southern Dalmatian single-nave dome type in the area of historical Zahumlje. The church stands on the top of the Gradac hill or St Michael's Mount (107 m.a.s.l.), at the location of an earlier fortification. Based on an analysis of St Michael's architecture, as well as its stone furnishing, the author has argued that the church is pre-Romaneseque in origin. It has also been suggested that the belfry (the structure to the west) was built together with the church, since the concept of the ground plan (the width-length ratio, the slightly protruding apse), its small dimensions, as well as its vertical stratigraphy (the belfry and the dome) indicate that it was constructed as a ruler's chapel. It is most probable that the church was dedicated to Archangel Michael from the very beginning, as the cult of the heavenly host-leader as the patron saint of rulers and their military campaigns was widespread among the upper classes in the early Middle Ages. The time of construction should most probably be connected with the first historically attested and significant ruler of Ston – Duke Mihajlo Višević (before 910 – after 928), who raised Ston to an administrative and ecclesiastical centre of this Sclavinia. An analysis of the younger layer of sculpture in St Michael's (the monumental window frames and a fragment with human face), as well as its murals, has suggested that the ruler's chapel was furnished more richly around the mid-11th century. Considering the historical sources on Ston in this period, it has been suggested that its renovation took place at the initiative of Stefan Vojislav (before 1018 – 1043/1050), founder of the Vojislavljević dynasty. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that Vojislav, having defeated Byzantium and its allies (among them the distinguished Duke Ljutovit of Zahumlje) conquered the seat of Zahumlje's rulers. It may be presumed that he spent some time there as well, since the Byzantine writer Kekaumenos mentions that Vojislav was a toparch in Ston and that he captured the strategos of Dubrovnik. Thus, the conquest of Ston, as well as the glorious victory over both Byzantium and Ljutovit leading the allied army, imposes itself as the probable reason why Stefan Vojislav renovated the church in Ston, namely in order to celebrate his military triumph in the chapel of the defeated ruler of Zahumlje. The reconstruction most probably took place between 1042/43 and 1050, after Vojislav's victory and before his death.
Razvoj ljudske civilizacije usko je povezan s korištenjem energije i njezinih mnogostrukih izvora. Od doba ranih hominida na planetu, prije sedam milijuna godina, pa do sadašnjeg homo sapiens sapiens, energija je bila osnovni čimbenik opstanka vrste. Crkva općenito, a posebice kroz svoj socijalni nauk pokazuje posebno zanimanje za pitanja cjelovitog ljudskog razvoja, pa je tako predmet njezina razmatranja i pitanje energije, kao iznimnog izazova za pravdu, sigurnost i mir u svijetu. S pitanjem globalne energetike bave se izravno pape Ivan Pavao II., Benedikt XVI. i Franjo, svjesni da ono spada u iznimno bitne znakove vremena, koje treba pretpostavljati, čitati i tumačiti u svjetlu evanđeoske mudrosti. Ipak, problematika energije, odnosno energetskog sustava, još uvijek je jedno zanemareno globalno pitanje današnjice, iako je iznimno bitan čimbenik za cjelovit razvoj i ljudsko dostojanstvo. ; The development of human civilization is closely related to the use of energy and of its multiple sources. From the time of the early hominoids on the planet, seven million years ago, to the present homo sapiens sapiens, energy has been a basic factor affecting the survival of the species. Generally speaking and particularly through her Social Doctrine, the Church demonstrates a special interest in issues concerning integral human development. Thus, the energy issue is also deemed a subject to be dealt with by the Church since it is an exceptional challenge for the purposes of justice, security and peace in the world. Popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis all have concerned themselves with the question of global energy, being aware that this is an extremely important sign of the times which must be understood, read and interpreted in the light of evangelical wisdom. Nevertheless, matters concerning energy and the energy system are today still a neglected global issue, though an immensely important factor affecting integral development and human dignity.
U članku se govori o utjecaju odluka Drugoga vatikanskoga koncila na djelovanje Katoličke crkve (Barske nadbiskupije i Kotorske biskupije) u Crnoj Gori. Ekumenizam, ili borba za ujedinjenje kršćanskih crkava, bio je jedan od glavnih zaključaka toga koncila. Ekumenska politika došla je do izražaja u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina i imala je važnu ulogu u aktivnostima Katoličke crkve u Crnoj Gori. Na taj se način pokušala približiti Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi, a zatim i Islamskoj zajednici i nametnuti im svoje stavove. To je dovelo do intenziviranja vjerskoga života, do novih odnosa između vjerskih zajednica i socijalističkoga režima i do promjena u međunacionalnim odnosima. Ta politika odrazila se i na unutrašnje odnose u Barskoj nadbiskupiji i Kotorskoj biskupiji. Članak je nastao na temelju prvorazrednih arhivskih izvora iz fonda Republičke komisije za vjerska pitanja Crne Gore. ; The ecumenical initiative of the Catholic Church was one of the main outcomes of the Second Vatican Council. Ecumenism aimed for the unification of Christian churches, partnership with other religious communities, and a conciliatory relationship with the socialist regime. In this period, the traditional tolerance between religious communities was practised and the Church established relatively good relations with the government of Montenegro. This is why the Catholic Church in Montenegro embraced ecumenism, which was expressed through the work of the Archdiocese of Bar and the Diocese of Kotor. The Archbishop of Bar, Aleksandar Tokić, and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Kotor, Gracija Ivanović, made a personal contribution to this initiative. They established close ties with the Orthodox Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Danilo Dajković, and the President of the Islamic Community (IC) in Montenegro, Šukrija Bakalović. They succeeded in engaging the Orthodox and Islamic leaders in Catholic religious celebrations, while the Catholic priests attended the religious celebrations of the Orthodox and the Muslims. The Montenegrin authorities had their representatives participate in these ceremonies too. This was all prompted by Catholic ecumenism, while the ecumenical strivings of the Catholic Church in Montenegro were also encouraged by the Vatican, i.e. the highest representatives of the Holy See and Pope Paul VI. The ecumenism of the Catholic Church in Montenegro had special features. It was of pro-Yugoslav orientation. It respected the religious, national, and traditional characteristics of Montenegro, and aimed for a partnership with the socialist regime. Archbishop Tokić and Administrator Ivanović also felt a strong attachment to Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and therefore cultivated a genuine friendship with the Orthodox and the Muslim population. Despite the sincere efforts and initial enthusiasm, their ecumenism failed because the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro did not accept such politics of the Catholic Church. The SOC was willing to maintain good relations and promote the traditional inter-religious tolerance, but no more than that, because it thought that the Catholic Church's ecumenism was just a new attempt to impose its dominance. This ecumenism failed to achieve unity or the unification of Christians and churches, though it did succeed in strengthening and expanding interfaith cooperation and dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Montenegro. Therefore, this policy can only be conditionally called 'ecumenical'. The Islamic Community accepted a call to strengthen inter-religious dialogue, but it also produced limited results. It was based solely on the contacts between the religious leaders.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Članak problematizira demokratski karakter Države Izrael i uspoređuje ga sa stvarnim stanjem stvari. Proturječnost određenja Izraela kao "židovske i demokratske" države već je u samom začetku stvaranja prouzročila određene karakteristike koje su teško usporedive sa zapadnim liberalnim demokracijama. Izrael se takvim pokušava prikazati usprkos očiglednom nepovoljnom položaju arapske manjine koja danas čini približno 20 posto stanovništva. Taj se položaj izraelskih Arapa odražava ne samo na status manjine u Izraelu već i na geopolitičku situaciju na prostoru Izraela i Zapadne Obale. Status Palestinaca može se iščitati iz svakodnevne političke prakse, ali i iz temeljnih dokumenata i zakonodavstva Države Izrael. Segregacija stanovništva prema vjerskom određenju čini nevidljivi zid unutar samog izraelskog društva. ; The article deals with the declared democratic character of the State of Israel and compares it with the real state of affairs. The contradiction present in the definition of Israel as "Jewish and democratic" has from its very beginning created certain characteristics of the State that are hardly comparable with western liberal democracy. Israel is striving to present itself as such despite the obvious adverse position of the Arab minority, comprising around 20 per cent of the population. This position of the Israeli Arabs reflects itself not only on the status of the minority, but also on the entire geopolitical situation in Israel and the West Bank as well. The status of the Palestinians in Israel can be deducted from the everyday political practice as well as from the fundamental documents and legislation of the State of Israel. The segregation of population according to religion makes for an invisible wall within the Israeli society.
Terorizam je pojava poznata stoljećima. Borba protiv terorizma stara je koliko i sam terorizam. U novije vrijeme ona dobiva i novu dimenziju, ali još uvijek nema uspješne rezultate. Razlog za to može se tražiti i u nemogućnosti postizanja konsenzusa oko defi niranja što je to terorizam i tko su teroristi. Sama se percepcija terorizma promijenila nakon napada na WTC, a time i organi-zacija borbe protiv terorizma. Ta borba danas, u nastojanjima da pobijedi terorističke organizacije, ostavlja dubok trag na institucije i procese u liberalno- -demokratskim državama. Pojedinac je na Zapadu žrtva terorističkih napada, ali istovremeno i žrtva sve veće kontrole i "oslobađanja od slobode" koju provode, u borbi protiv terorizma, legitimno izabrane političke vlasti. Danas postoji velika opasnost od toga da liberalno demokratske države, u interesu obrane od terorizma, počnu provoditi državni terorizam nad svojim slobodnim građanima, a sve u svrhu sigurnosti. ; Terrorism is a phenomenon that has been present for many centuries. The fight against terrorism is as old as terrorism itself. In the new era it takes on a new dimension but still with no successful results. The reason for that can be found in the impossibility of forming a consensus on what terrorism is and who terrorists are. The perception of terrorism has changed after the attack on the WTC and within the organisation of the fight against terrorism. That struggle today, in its efforts to win against terrorist organisations, leaves a deep mark on the institutions and processes in a liberal democratic society. A person in the West can be a victim of terrorist attacks but also a victim of control and deprivation of freedom, which is implemented by legitimate elected political governance, in the fight against terrorism. Today there is a significant danger that a liberal democratic state will become a state of terrorism and take terrorist actions on its citizens and all in the name of security.
The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters. ; The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters.
