Suchergebnisse

"Reprint of the translation of the U.S. Constitution and Amendments with copyright permission from: 'Konstitut︠s︡ii︠a︡ SShA : Politiko-Pravovoĭ Kommentariĭ. A.A. Mishin and V.A. Vlasikhin, 1985.'" ; Mode of access: Internet.

International audience ; The book "Christianisation of the Novgorodian Land in 800-1400 AD" is dedicated to the early stages of Christianity in Russia. The information from the written sources seems unable to cover the process of Christianisation in Russia to the full, which demands active usage of archeo-logical materials. The book in view for the first time presents and analyses the whole variety of items of personal piety relating to IX–XIII centuries and discovered in the burial memorials of the Kievan Russia and the Novgorodian principality.The Introduction declares that the study of the Christianisation of the ancient Russia on the basis of the archeological data requires not only collection, systematisation and analysis of the whole set of Christian antiquities of the medieval Russia (IX–XIII centuries), but also the exposure of all innovations in culture, connected with the dissemination of the new religion.In the view of the research task the author frames himself to the analysis of the data from funeral memorials, as it is the archeology of the burial rite that presents the most informative mate-rial on the early stages of the new ideology formation. For the territory investigated, the Nov-gorodian land of late XIII century was chosen. The territorial approach to the phenomena of the clerical life and Christian culture is in keeping with the standards of the canonical law of the East-ern Church. Novgorod with its neighborhood from the very beginning acts as one of the two centers of the formation of the ancient Russian state, and the history of the Church in Novgorodian land re-flects all the features of the Christianisation of ancient Russia. The features of political and social system in ancient Novgorod, as well as the peculiarities of its history (provided by the active Russian-Finnish contacts) left their imprint on the process of the development of Christian culture in Novgorodian land. As far as the main historical limits are concerned, two dates are accepted: 988 – the Baptism of Russia and the ...

International audience ; The book "Christianisation of the Novgorodian Land in 800-1400 AD" is dedicated to the early stages of Christianity in Russia. The information from the written sources seems unable to cover the process of Christianisation in Russia to the full, which demands active usage of archeo-logical materials. The book in view for the first time presents and analyses the whole variety of items of personal piety relating to IX–XIII centuries and discovered in the burial memorials of the Kievan Russia and the Novgorodian principality.The Introduction declares that the study of the Christianisation of the ancient Russia on the basis of the archeological data requires not only collection, systematisation and analysis of the whole set of Christian antiquities of the medieval Russia (IX–XIII centuries), but also the exposure of all innovations in culture, connected with the dissemination of the new religion.In the view of the research task the author frames himself to the analysis of the data from funeral memorials, as it is the archeology of the burial rite that presents the most informative mate-rial on the early stages of the new ideology formation. For the territory investigated, the Nov-gorodian land of late XIII century was chosen. The territorial approach to the phenomena of the clerical life and Christian culture is in keeping with the standards of the canonical law of the East-ern Church. Novgorod with its neighborhood from the very beginning acts as one of the two centers of the formation of the ancient Russian state, and the history of the Church in Novgorodian land re-flects all the features of the Christianisation of ancient Russia. The features of political and social system in ancient Novgorod, as well as the peculiarities of its history (provided by the active Russian-Finnish contacts) left their imprint on the process of the development of Christian culture in Novgorodian land. As far as the main historical limits are concerned, two dates are accepted: 988 – the Baptism of Russia and the ...

The specific objectives of this Country Environmental Analysis (CEA) are to: 1) Review the existing situation in the sector, identify priority areas for policy changes or investments, and consider the role of the government, the private sector, and donors in implementing this agenda 2) Assess macroeconomic-environmental linkages and measures that affect long-term sustainability and financial viability within the priority areas 3) Provide a basis for defining the Bank's future involvement in the sector. The following environmental issues have been identified as critical, based on the negative impact of the current environmental conditions on human health, the economy, and natural ecosystems: Deteriorating trends in water, sanitation, and waste management; threat of coastal zone deterioration; air pollution hot spots; energy inefficiency; excessive industrial pollution; weak environmental management system, institutionally and legally; economic instruments that are more geared to revenue generation than to providing incentives for environmentally responsible behavior; quality and quantity of water resources; transboundary water and global environmental issues; and lack of sustainable forest management. The report recommends improving waste management, particularly hazardous waste; increasing provision of basic water and sanitation services to urban and rural poor; addressing environmental hot spots; strengthening institutional capacity for environmental management; preparing a coastal zone strategy; including in the environmental assessment potential liabilities in the advent of privatization; introducing measures to enhance energy efficiency and use renewable energy sources; instituting measures to reduce nutrient run-off to the Danube; preparing a biodiversity strategy, identifying threatened species, and preparing an action plan; and preparing a management plan for Lake Skadar and introducing environmentally friendly natural resource use practices.

Parallel to radical changes in Russian society in the last decades of the 20th century are transformations in literary methods and genres. There is a widespread notion that new tendences in this sphere were born as a reaction to the uniformistic, boring Sovjet literature of the previous period. Valerija Narbikova was one of the new names which manifested the arrival of postmodernist literature (1989), with its neglect of social and political realities and concentration on the egocentric inner life of an individual and, unusually for Russian literature of the time, its acceptance of sex as the most important part of life, an expression of the desperate need for love and understanding and helplessness in the attempt to discover the meaning of human existence. Narbikova's prose is interesting not for its philosophy, which is intentionally very simple, but for its inventive use of language, for its intertextuality and vitality. Narbikova became almost a cult figure in the 1990s. Her latest novel was published in 1996, and since then she has been silent. Russian society has changed, the reader has become mature, and one may ask oneself in what directions this type of prose might possibly develop.

Раздел - "Международные отношения" ; In the aftermath of September 11, as the U S launched its military operation against the Taleban in Afghanistan, the situation in Central Asia has changed dramatically. The US military presence, NATO activities in the region and the renewed interest that some countries (India) take in Central Asia are becoming essential features of the region's geopolitical development. It seems obvious that while Russia and China are trying to preserve their shattered influence in Central Asia, the balance of power here is shifting. Though China is doing its best to stay outside of what is perceived to b e US—Russia quarrel, Central Asia has become too important for her to b e ignored. Carefully avoiding direct confrontation with the US, China is keeping her favorite regional organization (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) afloat and working for the future establishing stronger economic ties between Central Asia and China. If successful, in a few decades China may become one of the most influential states in the region.

Раздел - "Международное право" ; The present paper considers some issues of regulating of a quite complex legal institution, that of multiple nationality. Currently, European integration in general and the phenomenon of multiple nationality in particular are arousing a lot of interest. This is caused to a large extent b y both the relative stability of economic and political guarantees of rights and liberties of the citizens of Western Europe and by the search of Eastern European countries for their place and their road in the united Europe, b y the necessity to overcome cultural and economic disunity of European states and also b y the unabated interest in the structural elements of diverse and variously speeded integration in this region. In this regard the institution of multiple nationality stands out against the background of all-European integration. It has been in existence in this region for many millenia and embraces practically all states of the continent. Multiplenationality creates at the same time both real possibilities and prerequisites for integration and real problems, causing sometimes protracted conflicts between states and peoples and separating their political interests. The author sees multiple nationality to be a complex legal state expressed through a complicated legal relationship, which lends form to a multistructured social political, economic, cultural and moral relationship between states (representations of citizenship/nationality) and the person as regards responsible possession by a person of the complete or the basic set of rights and duties of nationality equal to the persons of his/her category of nationality in more than one state formation. With this assumption the paper shows in general terms the causes for the emergence of multiple nationality and the ways of settling its problems. The citizenship of the European Union, which the author refers to a kind of multiple nationality, is a particular legal institution which could serve as a source for forming all-European and global citizenship. Alongside with the study of the citizenship of the European Union the paper considers the institution of multiple nationality within the framework of the Council of Europe. The European region has accumulated abundant experience of regulating multiple nationality; part of which experience was embodied in the provisions of various international treaties concluded by the member-states of the Council of Europe. It would be effective to use in the countries of Eastern Europe and Asia. The European Convention on Nationality from November 6, 1997 was a progressive step in the realm of developing nationality and multiple nationality, though it has a number of drawbacks and as a whole does not adequately take into consideration the existing needs in this sphere. A number of norms, for instance, the right of the state to terminate citizenship, declared in article 7 and other provisions of the Convention have not been specified. The drawbacks of legal regulation of these issues and the issues of state succession and nationality (article 16) arouse doubts in the compliance of provisions of the abovementioned convention with the requirements of articles 15 and 29 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. Unfortunately, the European Convention on Nationality is trying to unite disparate points of v i ew into one, there arising as a result some apprehension as to the possibility of its arbitrary application. The citizenship, being established within the framework of integration of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation, is also a peculiar institution which could be transformed into a different type of citizenship. The author considers that reasonable application of the institution of multiple nationality could facilitate the solution of a number of problems of contemporary international law, including the problems of international cooperation, human rights protection and development of integrational process. This experience could be promoted b y all states and especially the former USSR countries who have various directions of solving the issues of multiple nationality.

Российское правительство, Государственный Совет, Государственная Дума, общественность, духовенство, представители органов самоуправления губерний и уездов проявляли огромную заботу о беженцах первой мировой войны. Серьезным подспорьем к этому явилась четко продуманная и отработанная правовая база по беженцам, взаимодействие ветвей власти, неукоснительное выполнение ее рекомендаций на местах. В результате этого было заметно ослаблено столь высокое социальное напряжение, царившее среди пришлых людей. Вопросы по оказанию им медицинской помощи рассматривались и на отдельных съездах земских врачей. Опыт Российской дореволюционной государственной власти и общества применим для обеспечения нужд беженцев в современных условиях в период возникновения локальных и межнациональных военных конфликтов. ; Russian Government, State Duma, the public, the clergy, representatives of local government showed great concern for refugees during the First World War. Elaborated legal system concerning refugees, interaction of branches of authority, strict observation of their recommendations were of great help. The result was a considerable reduction of social tension among refugees. Problems of giving them medical help were also dealt with at congresses of Zemsky doctors (zemstvo - elective district council in Russia, 1864-1917). The experience of Russian pre-revolutionary state authorities and society is applicable to modern conditions during local and international military conflicts.

This article focuses on the role of language in the 19th-century development of national identities among the Croats and Serbs in Croatia, Dalmatia, Slavonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The issues of national self-determination, the ideas and goals of nationhood, and the methods and means for attainment of such goals were of considerable importance for 19th-century Croatian and Serbian intellectuals and politicians. From the early 19th century on, language and orthography were the most significant features of ethnic distinction between the Croats and Serbs. ; Za razliku od savremenih trendova u političkim naukama kao i studija iz oblasti nacionalizma koji uglavnom odbacuju ideju da је jezik glavna komponenta nacionalnog odredenja, u ХIХ. veku, а naročito u njegovoj рrvој роlоvini, nа vecem delu evropskog kontinenta је postojalo duboko uverenje da je jezik upravo tај identifikator uz čiju роmоć se sa nајvес́оm sigurnošću mоžе odrediti nečija nacionalna (tj. etnoIingvistifka) pripadnost. Drugim rečima, na osnovu jezičke pripadnosti odredivala se i nacionaina pripadnost [vidi Ferrando 1992; Smith 1996; Hargreaves. Ferrando 1997). Ovo uverenje je naročito dominiralo u nemačkim zemljama u doba romantizma ali se idejni koreni ovog uverenja mogu naći u epohi francuskih enciklopedista skraja XVIII. veka. Ideje nemačkih romantičara o nacionalnom grupisanju na osnovu jezičke pripadnosti su sredinom XIX. veka bile opšteprihvaćene na jugoistoku Evrope a naročito medu Južnim Slovenima u Habsburškoj Monarhiji. Južnoslovenski lingvisti i političari su sledili nemačke romantičare ne samo po pitanju odredivanja kriterijuma za nacionalnu pripadnost već i po pitanju principa stvaranja nacionalne države: "jedan jezik – jedna nacija – jedna država"

Раздел "Международное право" - рубрика "Вопросы теории" ; According to the Charter of the United Nations the U.N. Security Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The Council, however, stays sometimes inactive because of controversy among its members. States may thus invoke insufficient efficacy of the S.C. as the basis for actions by the decision of other U.N. organs (Korea crisis 1950, Congo 1961), for collective or individual self-defense. States also try to justify the use of individual coercive measures referring to the necessity to enforce Security Council resolutions (military action in Afghanistan 2001, Iraq 2003). At present the possibility to act "on the advice" of the Security Council in the case of its inactivity or insufficient efficacy is alleged on the following grounds: 1. Authorization of the S.C. to use "all necessary means". 2. Recognition by the S.C. of the existence of a threat or breach of international peace and security. 3. Authorization of the S.C. to take action in self-defense. 4. Enforcement of earlier resolution of the S.C. 5. Other justifications. The present article considers the status of the above-mentioned justifications without the explicit authorization by the U.N. Security Council in the context of the principle of non-intervention into the domestic affairs of states. The study allows to make the following conclusions. Whenever the system of the collective security provided for by the U.N. Charter doesn't function, the Security Council carries out its enforcement capacity by authorizing individual states or international organizations to act. This enforcement activity doesn't constitute intervention into the domestic affairs of states only in so far as it is accomplished in accordance with the authorization of the Council and ceases as soon as the purpose of the sanction is achieved. Other justifications (for example, recognition by the S.C. of the existence of a threat or breach of international peace and security, breach of obligations provided for in the S.C. resolutions, reference to the right of individual and collective self-defense, threat by the severest consequences) constitute no basis for the unilateral enforcement of the rulings of resolutions and therefore break the principle of non-intervention into the domestic affairs of states as well as the prohibition to use force or the threat of force in international relations. Inactivity or insufficient efficacy of the U.N. Security Council cannot be viewed as an authorization to resort to unilateral military measures either.

International audience ; The idea of disarmament for development was particularly explored in the early 1980s, at the initiative of the UN. It highlighted the economic burden of the great powers' arms race, while development aid was proving to be highly insufficient. Within the framework of international agreements, it was a question of the highly militarised developed countries reducing the financing of their armaments and providing part of these savings to support the development of Third World countries. Three main questions were then asked. Is armament a brake on development? Does disarmament only have positive effects on the national economies of developed countries? Does the transfers of resources from developed to developing countries be realized without perverse effects? ; Резюме: Идея разоружения в интересах развития стала особенно изучаться в начале 1980-х годов по инициативе Организации Объединенных Наций. В нем подчеркивалось экономическое бремя гонки вооружений великих держав, в то время как помощь в целях развития оказалась крайне недостаточной. В рамках международных соглашений речь шла о том, чтобы высокомилитаризованные развитые страны сократили финансирование своих вооружений и направили часть сэкономленных средств на поддержку развития стран третьего мира. Затем были заданы три основных вопроса. Является ли вооружение тормозом для развития? Оказывает ли разоружение положительное влияние только на национальную экономику развитых стран? Может ли разоружение легко сопровождаться передачей ресурсов из развитых стран в развивающиеся?

International audience ; The idea of disarmament for development was particularly explored in the early 1980s, at the initiative of the UN. It highlighted the economic burden of the great powers' arms race, while development aid was proving to be highly insufficient. Within the framework of international agreements, it was a question of the highly militarised developed countries reducing the financing of their armaments and providing part of these savings to support the development of Third World countries. Three main questions were then asked. Is armament a brake on development? Does disarmament only have positive effects on the national economies of developed countries? Does the transfers of resources from developed to developing countries be realized without perverse effects? ; Резюме: Идея разоружения в интересах развития стала особенно изучаться в начале 1980-х годов по инициативе Организации Объединенных Наций. В нем подчеркивалось экономическое бремя гонки вооружений великих держав, в то время как помощь в целях развития оказалась крайне недостаточной. В рамках международных соглашений речь шла о том, чтобы высокомилитаризованные развитые страны сократили финансирование своих вооружений и направили часть сэкономленных средств на поддержку развития стран третьего мира. Затем были заданы три основных вопроса. Является ли вооружение тормозом для развития? Оказывает ли разоружение положительное влияние только на национальную экономику развитых стран? Может ли разоружение легко сопровождаться передачей ресурсов из развитых стран в развивающиеся?

International audience ; The idea of disarmament for development was particularly explored in the early 1980s, at the initiative of the UN. It highlighted the economic burden of the great powers' arms race, while development aid was proving to be highly insufficient. Within the framework of international agreements, it was a question of the highly militarised developed countries reducing the financing of their armaments and providing part of these savings to support the development of Third World countries. Three main questions were then asked. Is armament a brake on development? Does disarmament only have positive effects on the national economies of developed countries? Does the transfers of resources from developed to developing countries be realized without perverse effects? ; Резюме: Идея разоружения в интересах развития стала особенно изучаться в начале 1980-х годов по инициативе Организации Объединенных Наций. В нем подчеркивалось экономическое бремя гонки вооружений великих держав, в то время как помощь в целях развития оказалась крайне недостаточной. В рамках международных соглашений речь шла о том, чтобы высокомилитаризованные развитые страны сократили финансирование своих вооружений и направили часть сэкономленных средств на поддержку развития стран третьего мира. Затем были заданы три основных вопроса. Является ли вооружение тормозом для развития? Оказывает ли разоружение положительное влияние только на национальную экономику развитых стран? Может ли разоружение легко сопровождаться передачей ресурсов из развитых стран в развивающиеся?

In 1804, the Karlovci Metropolitan Stevan Stratimirović created the concept of an autonomous tributary Orthodox Štokavian Slavonic-Serbian state, based on a common religion and language. The state would be governed by the Russian Grand Duke, would be under the Russian political-military protectorate, would be included only nominally in the Ottoman Empire, and would pay an annual fixed tribute to the Turkish Sultan as its suzerain.Stratimirovic's notion of a politically united Serbian nation, based on a common religion and language, and located within the borders of a single national state, anticipated unification of historical and ethnic Serbian territories from both the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Empire. His notion of national identification of the Serbs was quite innovative for the time. As a result, according to Stratimirovic, the Serbian nation was represented by the entire Eastern Orthodox South Slavic population that spoke the Shtokavian dialect and had for its literary language "Slavono-Serbian". As a result, all Balkan territories settled by the Orthodox Shtokavian-speaking Serbian South Slavs were to be included in this unified Serbia.Stratimirovic's ideas were expressed in a Memorandum submitted to the Russian Emperor Alexander I. The Memorandum made a major contribution to the development of modem Serbian political doctrines and ideologies. The Memorandum was undertaken during a turning point in Serbian history: the period of the First Serbian Uprising (1804–1813), and was one of the most influential plans of this period for Serbian emancipation and national political unification.

The paper refers to Russian and foreign archival documents, which became the basis for the analysis of relationships between the "party-and state authorities" and opposition in the Czech Republic in the late 80s of 20 th century. State authorities with conservative bias demanded that the "normalization" regime be stricter whereas "pragmatists" were contemplating a dialogue with the opposition. After the events of November 17 for a very long time also the followers of "non-political politics" in the opposition considered a dialogue with the pragmatic faction of the state authorities whereas the radical wing representatives were calling for immediate free elections and establishment of democratic institutions of power. However, it was the upward movement, beginning with the student demonstration of November 17, 1989 and ending with mass demonstrations which gathered as many as 700,000 people in Prague in the end of November, that gave momentum to historic transformation in the Czech Republic as it came up with its own hierarchy of historical priorities different from that of numerous government and opposition circles. These activists who were able to adjust their former standpoint to social expectations enjoyed public support. ; W artykule, na bazie rosyjskich i zagranicznych archiwalnych dokumentów poddane zostały analizie relacje między "partyjno-państwowym kierownictwem" i opozycją w Czechosłowacji w końcu lat 80-tych. Konserwatywnie nastawieni przedstawiciele władz domagali się zaostrzenia reżymu "normalizacji", natomiast "pragmatycy" brali pod uwagę dialog z opozycją. W opozycji zwolennicy "niepolitycznej polityki" też – do czasu wydarzeñ z 17 listopada, a także jeszcze długo po nich – brali pod uwagę dialog z nurtem pragmatycznym kierownictwa państwowego, natomiast zwolennicy radykalnego skrzydła domagali się natychmiastowego przeprowadzenia wolnych wyborów i formowania demokratycznych organów władzy. Ale właśnie ruch oddolny – począwszy od demonstracji studenckiej z 17 listopada 1989 roku i kończąc masowymi demonstracjami, gromadzącymi w Pradze w drugiej połowie listopada nawet po siedemset tysięcy uczestników nadawało w Czechosłowacji tempo przemianom historycznym, inaczej akcentując historyczne priorytety, niż to zakładały różne środowiska zarówno rządowe, jak i opozycyjne. Powodzeniem cieszyli się ci działacze, którzy, umieli skorygowaæ swoje poprzednie stanowisko zgodnie ze społecznymi oczekiwaniami.