In: Differenz und Integration: die Zukunft moderner Gesellschaften ; Verhandlungen des 28. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie im Oktober 1996 in Dresden ; Band 2: Sektionen, Arbeitsgruppen, Foren, Fedor-Stepun-Tagung, S. 462-466
The main characteristics of Washington's ideas about religion & government, as well as his differences with Madison are revisited. Washington, while a lifelong member of the Anglican Church, did not attend religious services often nor express detailed tenets of his faith besides the belief in a good & providential God. In contrast to Madison, Washington consistently sought to use governmental authority to encourage religion, by such means as use of taxes to support religion, appointment of military chaplains, religious presidential proclamations, & inclusion of sacred language in public ceremonies. His approach was two-fold: government non-interference grounded on right regarding matters not affecting the common good & discretionary toleration for matters involving the duties of citizenship & the essential interests of the nation. D. Miller
An exploration of cases in which multicultural accommodation allows the systematic maltreatment of individuals within a particular religious/cultural group argues that the intragroup oppression of women must not be accepted as an unavoidable consequence of tolerating cultural differences in a liberal society. The greater vulnerability of women than men in minority groups is discussed in relation to the demarcating & distributive functions of family law. Two current approaches to family law are described as "secular absolutist" & "religious particularist" models. An assessment of each approach's division of legal authority indicates that neither model provides a satisfactory balance between cultural preservation through family law accommodation & the protection of women's rights. An alternative multicultural approach to family law accommodation is suggested. This "joint-governance" model honors identity preservation while simultaneously seeking to provide women living in nomoi groups with the legal protections guaranteed to all citizens. Instead of forcing women to make a difficult choice, it provides women with the leverage to renegotiate oppressive family law traditions from within their cultural communities. J. Lindroth
In: Differenz und Integration: die Zukunft moderner Gesellschaften ; Verhandlungen des 28. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie im Oktober 1996 in Dresden ; Band 2: Sektionen, Arbeitsgruppen, Foren, Fedor-Stepun-Tagung, S. 466-470
Die armenische Verfassung sieht eine Trennung der Armenischen Apostolischen Kirche vom Staat vor. Es gibt keine religiösen Schulen, die allgemeine Bildungsdienste anbieten oder Religionsunterricht im Curriculum vorsehen. Dennoch existiert im offiziellen Curriculum der Schulen ein Schulfach mit dem Titel "Geschichte der armenischen Kirche". Der Beitrag wirft einen genaueren Blick auf die Trennung von Staat und Kirche in Armenien. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf dem Bildungswesen als staatlicher Institution und der "Armenischen Apostolischen Kirche". Der Beitrag untersucht das Spezifische der Entwicklungen in Armenien, angefangen mit der Einführung von Religion in Schulen im postsowjetischen Armenien. Der Artikel basiert auf ethnographischen Feldstudien in Schulen sowie auf Analysen der Schulcurricula, Schulbücher, rechtlicher Grundlagen und öffentlicher Diskussionen. (ICA2).
A discussion of the 1970s-1980s sexual abuse of boys by Catholic priests & brothers in Newfoundland focuses on the final report (Winter, Gordon, et al, 1990) of the Archdiocesan Commission of Enquiry. Definitions of child sexual abuse are examined, along with common predisposing factors & the relationship between clerical celibacy & child sex abuse. Overtones of homophobia are noted in the commission report, along with confusion between child sex abuse & consensual homosexual encounters. Outrage of the local Catholic community at the church's failure to respond to the allegations in a timely manner is described, maintaining that the church's traditional ecclesiastical response centered on preventing scandal. Probable misunderstandings of the effects of the abuse on the victims are examined, suggesting that they are partly responsible for the lack of empathy on the part of church officials. Suggestions are made for how the church can respond more responsibly to abuse allegations, & the need to look into the structural roots of child sex abuse in the institutional framework of the Catholic Church is discussed. 39 References. J. Lindroth
A comparison of the political roles of Catholic bishops in the US & Poland argues that the role of American bishops is determined by the intersection between the constraints of transnational Catholicism & the unique character of the American political process. The degree to which the church's authority structure curbs the political involvement of bishops notes how papal encyclicals outline the church's position on specific issues like peace/war, economic relations, & abortion. Demographic, historical, & cultural characteristics that affect the Catholic hierarchy in the US & Poland are explored to suggest that the nature of the relationship between the church's moral agenda & policy positions held by political parties significantly affect the bishops' political activities. Although American bishops are less free to set their own moral agenda than other American clergy, national historical & political contexts have a powerful effect on their activities. The political role of bishops in both the US & Poland is deeply impacted by the unique relationship between the Church's universal moral teachings & the cleavages/alignments of a particular political movement. J. Lindroth