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February 1988 issue ; Article from "Church and State" magazine on a student religious club and its battles with the government.

This paper discusses a history and macro-structural environment of "Light-Life" movement. It also presents some "external" and "internal" social aspects of Polish religious movements. This Movement emerged in the 1950s as one of the numerous manifestations of a religious revival in Poland. It was found political, oppositional and illegal by the state authorities. Since 1989, thanks to political democratisation in Poland, the Movement has undergone various important transformations. The fact that the Movement identifies itself with the Roman Catholic Church gives it a change to take advantage of the Church's resources. The system transformation in Poland has created opportunity for emergence of new form of public activity, religious one included. The spontaneous character of the Movement gained a chance of a stronger expression and the two trends (currents) appeared, both of which differ mostly in terms of their own goals and attitudes towards social reality around them. They are strongly influenced by the differences in the socialisation processes within the trends.

Includes bibliography (p. [509]-532) and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The introduction of Christianity to the Pacific Islands has had lasting consequences for the region. Over a period of more than 200 years Christian missionaries have assimilated local cultures and their embedded value systems to construct one of the most successful processes of religious conversion and 'inculturation'1 in modem history. Today over ninety-five percent of Pacific Island populations profess allegiance to a growing number of Christian denominations. Across the region churches play an important role in the delivery of social services, catering for both the spiritual and physical needs of their respective constituents. Though heavily dependent on government funding, church-delivered services generally enjoy an excellent reputation for high standards of efficiency and dedication, particularly in cases where there is no government equivalent in a given (generally rural) locality. The relationship between church groups and states in the Pacific, as described in the constitutional and legislative frameworks of each country, is rather unidirectional in nature; religious freedom is defined mainly, though by no means entirely, through limits to state power vis-a-vis religious practice rather than how religious power can affect the state. It is for these reasons that this report recommends a consensus be developed about the respective roles of government, civil society, and other private actors in the governance of Pacific Island states. Churches in the Pacific, through their developmental roles in communities, should be treated as 'civil society actors' by way of separationism. Advocates of the separation doctrine emphasise fundamental support for the libertarian principle of freedom of religious practice. This mandates that a state should not select an official religion, ensuring that citizens are not coerced into adopting a religion favoured by the state or marginalized as to the distribution of political and economic goods and the distribution of political power. The separation doctrine is also conscious of the reflexive relationship between church and state, and the need for the state to receive a degree of protection from the influence of churches and other civil society actors. It is critical, however, that the doctrine of separation be clearly distinguished from that of secularism. Secularists identify religion in order to separate it from the domains of the state, economy and science, viewing it as a 'natural' evolutionary step towards universal morality and as a consequence of economic modernization. Separationism, in contrast, recognises that stringent neutrality between church and state is not only unachievable but also undesirable; such 'absolutism' does not take into account the diverse religious attributes of existing states and the diversity of social structures in the region. The major recommendation of this report is that a formal memorandum of understanding (MOU) be formulated to distinguish the roles of churches and states and foster a more symbiotic relationship through formal mechanisms of dialogue. A broader acknowledgement of churches as civil society actors, rather than as pseudo-governmental entities, serves to best protect the religious and civic freedoms of religious entities from state incursion; so too protecting the prescribed authority of states in acting independently of non-state entities. A formal acknowledgement of this type would serve to advance a broader governance agenda. Formal implementation of the principles of separationism would recognise that consistent reliance upon non-state actors in the delivery of key social services detracts from the state's ability to define itself, seek legitimacy and build its national capacity. This is not to say that separationism seeks to dispose with churches, nor 'dilute' their local capacity. Nor does separationism intend to 'treat churches as state employees,' or seek to circumvent or detract from the contributions made by church entities in advancing the social good. Instead, it seeks to formalise their civic and religious freedoms in terms of their rights and responsibilities as actors of' civil society.' An MOU could also lead to the development of more collaborative strategies between churches and states in key service delivery areas. This is to suggest that separationist principles should give greater impetus to reciprocal dialogue between church and state actors. Churches often have greater reach and authority in delivering social services within local communities, whereas states play a key role in funding, regulating, monitoring, designating and evaluating service delivery. Across much of the region there remain major gaps between state institutions, concentrated in the urban areas, and informal and traditional institutions, such as churches, that govern village life. Whilst the roles of churches and states are increasingly seen to differ, separationism would help foster a sense of mutual compatibility; widespread discussion of these issues between states and local communities, churches and specialist agencies would enhance the implementation and effectiveness of decisions and increase stakeholder participation. Moreover, rather than relying upon the often ambiguous constitutional and legislative freedoms pertaining to religiosity, an MOU that acknowledges the distinct yet equally valid roles of church and state would stimulate debates about a form of 'non-constitutional pluralism,' which recognises and stimulates religious diversity. This would help the region's states better manage changes to traditional social structures resulting from migration, urbanization and religious pluralism within the context of globalisation.

In the twentieth century, Indian communities most often live on land held in trust by the federal government, which then uses that trust obligation to justify management of tribal affairs. There are exceptions to this relationship, however, and one of the rarest is a native community residing on land privately owned by a church absent of any federal oversight. It was precisely this latter relationship that Southern Paiutes experienced throughout much of this century at Cedar City, Utah, where they lived on land owned and managed by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The development of this situation in a series of federal and church actions and decisions reflected the power of the two bureaucracies as they challenged each other for control over Paiute lives. Mormon oversight has had numerous long-term impacts on the Cedar City Paiute community, as well as implications for issues of church and state in American Indian policy.

In Papua New Guinea, attempts to keep religion and politics separate often meet with incomprehension and resistance on the part of the general populace, for in traditional Melanesian terms, religion has a political function: seen in the power to avert misfortune and ways to ensure prosperity and well being. This paper looks at how religious narrative plays a part in contemporary political discourse in Papua New Guinea. It will look first at the links between socio-political and religious institutions, and then will consider some of the ways religious values and symbols are used and exploited to legitimise political aspirations. In contemporary Papua New Guinea some leaders attempt to use Christian rhetoric and symbols to appeal to people's religious sentiments and to promote nationalism, however, sometimes symbols apparently achieve the agent's goal and at other times the symbol backfires on the user. How can we account for the selection, uses and effects of religious symbols in political discourse? The churches and Christian groups seeking not so much to gain political power as to control it, appear to be divided as to whether it is better to respond with a progressive social agenda or to control political power by means of spiritual power. Specific cases from contemporary national and local politics will be examined in detail, including events such as "operation brukim skru (operation bend the knee)," Archbishop Brian Barnes criticism of the government, and the debate over the cross on the top of the Parliament House. The goal of the paper is to provide an anthropological perspective on religion as a category ofconcern in the evolving political scene in contemporary Papua New Guinea. ; AusAID

The relationship of church and state in the United States is still a live issue today. The tension which exists within this relationship was again brought to public attention through the recent hearings of the cases before the United States Supreme Court regarding Bible reading and prayer in the public schools. A television special on churches and taxation also raised anew an issue which is increasing in tension. In addition, a prime focus of this tension has been centered in the discussion of the church's role over against the Vietnam War. One particular facet of the debate on the relationship of church and state is the issue of the military chaplaincy. This is a controversial issue with which philosophy-of-government and legal analysts, as well as theologians, have wrestled throughout the history of our country. The task of this thesis is to examine the various positions held or suggested over against the United States military chaplaincy as it becomes a matter of discussion in the issue of the relationship of church and state.

Purpose: the aim of the undertaken study is to consider the dynamics of the church-state relationship in the context of Russian new cultural tendencies at the turn of the century. Methodology: Thus, The methodological basis of the research was formed by philosophical analysis of the church-state relationship, historicism and comparison principles. The following tasks were being solved: defining the interaction ways between the religious organizations and the state on the modern stage of the Russian society development; pointing out the prospects of consolidation of both the сhurch and the state around the democratic civil society fostering program in XXI century; revealing the need to promote respectful attitude towards human values as an integral part of spiritual culture. Result: The authors achieved the following results within the study: A wider notions of church and state were introduced demonstrating the similarity of some of their functions: offering moral guidance for social well-being; historic doctrinal models "caesaropapism", "papocaesarism" and "symphony(concordance) of powers" were identified and characterized alongside with their secular counterparts - separation and cooperation models of church-state relationship. In conclusion of the article the urgent need for the transition of church-state relationship from political to social and cultural spheres was justified. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Socio-Cultural Interaction Forms of Church and State on the Example of the Russian Orthodox Church is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.

First paragraph: The problem of church and state for British Baptists is well illustrated by an episode at Acadia College, Nova Scotia. Other denominations in the colony received public money for education and so, following the foundation of the college in 1838, it was natural for the new institution to obtain a state grant. In 1844, however, Joseph Belcher arrived from England as minister of Granville Street Baptist Church in Halifax. Almost immediately he questioned the rightness of accepting the grant. It was, he claimed, public, not denominational, money. Baptists should rely on their own fund-raising abilities and have nothing to do with state help for teaching theology. Belcher actually discouraged his friends in England from giving to Acadia College. Leading members of his congregation at Granville Street, formerly an Anglican place of worship that had gone over to the Baptists only in the late 1820s, were incensed by Belcher's sabotaging of their efforts to provide a good education for the sons of their new denomination. They had recently given their political allegiance to the Conservatives partly in order to ensure public financial support for their college. Now their own minister was undermining the whole scheme. They wanted him out of their pulpit. Belcher resisted, but because the leading members were trustees of the building, the minister was forced to leave. There was schism in the church, but Belcher departed for the fairer pastures of Philadelphia.

EU has reached enormous progress in economy and politics. It is a union of nations on the basis of legal, democratic grounds. A feature of each democracy is the protection of human rights. The test-paper showing a real freedom is depicted by the regulations of a state. These regulations delineate the freedom of religious belief, the relation of churches and religious communities with a state. EU already has a formed European model of relations between Church and a state. It leaves such traditions and a legal base in each state that has been formed by the people of the nation during long decades. There are three models: the status of "state religion" but it does not do any harm to democratic attitudes. It does not discriminate persons who do not belong to the main religion; the second, a model of cooperation of Church and a state, the third is more strict, separation of Church. EU Lisbon Treaty is much more favourable to religious communities than EU Constitution used to be. As EU member states belong to European Council, the regulations of which on religion were remarkably perfect than those of EU Agreements, EU leaders had to be more precise with the position of the Holy See in Nice Agreement of the Charter of Human Rights. Unfortunately, some people from European continent are devoted to the flow of secularised society which is not able to measure the heritage of Christianity. Due to this misunderstandings and cases appear in the European Court of Human Rights concerning religious practise in public institutions.

This article provides a study of political positions concerning the role of religion in modern society in Sweden between 1920 and 1939. It aims to increase understanding of the Swedish secularization path, with special emphasis on issues related to heritage and national identity, by comparing the dominant perspectives on these issues in the Church of Sweden and in the Social Democratic Party during that period. It addresses how these positions have influenced policies during the period, as well as some of their implications for later path dependence. It explores relations between religious issues and the concept of national heritage, as well as how the fact that both were at that time commonly seen as legitimate tasks of the state came to influence the development of Swedish church-and-state relations and heritage policies. Special attention is given to the positions of the Young Church Movement, a movement within the Church emphasizing its role as a national church with a central position in national identity, as well as to the views of Arthur Engberg, the anti-clerical Social Democratic government minister responsible for church, education, and culture in the 1930s. ; peerReviewed

This article examines the career of Richard Thompson, briefly dean of Bristol in 1685, as an example of a clergyman of Tory royalist and anti-exclusion principles. Thompson's public attack on the Popish plot and impugning of the exclusionist cause led to his attempted impeachment by the House of Commons in December 1680. Only the prorogation of parliament in January prevented his impeachment. Nevertheless, Thompson remained a figure strongly associated with the anti-exclusion cause in Bristol. His fractious behaviour brought him to the attention of Archbishop Sancroft on a number of occasions. But this did not prevent his advancement to a prebend and then the deanery of Bristol. His sermon during the Monmouth rebellion is one of the highest expressions of Tory theology. Thompson's extreme High Tory position therefore also serves to illustrate the spectrum of views within Toryism in the late 1670s and 1680s.

Summary. Introduction. The article substantiates causal relations between the theory of "symphony" of the Church and the State proposed by Emperor Justinian, and appearance of specific relationships expressed in the primacy of political power over the spiritual institution and known as "Caesaropapism". Examples of Caesaropapist relations between church and state in the Byzantine Empire, in the Kievan Rus, in the Moscow kingdom and Russia are depicted in the historical aspect. Purpose. To explore the formation of Caesaropapism in the Orthodox world, as a result of the transformation "symphony of power" Emperor Justinian I. Methods. Methods of analysis, description and induction were used to study the cause of Caesaropapism appearance, to display the most significant historical stages of its manifestation and to find out its consequences for the countries of the Orthodox world. Results. It was found that the concept of "symphony" proposed by Justinian I was the basis for the formation of Caesaropapist relations and it was aimed not to the harmonious existence of spiritual and secular institutions but to the development of Byzantine absolutism in the base of which the Orthodox Church was supposed to lie. Subsequently, the Byzantine emperors used the legal work of Justinian I to justify their political dominance over the Orthodox Church. The Moscow version of Caesar's repentance manifests itself in a more perverted form and rather resembles the elements of theocracy being close to the Islamic world. Originality. The study notes that the purpose of the Justinian the Great's "symphony" was a desire to fix the unhindered intervention of secular authority in the affairs of the church at the legislative level, and this eventually led to the establishment and consolidation of Caesaropapism as a system of relations between political and spiritual authorities in the Byzantine Empire, and later, with borrowing Christianity, in the Russian Empire and in Russia too. It is noted that the manifestations of Caesaropapism are also evident in modern Ukraine which is a consequence of the influence of the Russian Orthodox tradition. Conclusion. So, the symphony of Emperor Justinian the Great became the source of Caesaropapism, and it legislatively provided the influence of basileus on the Orthodox Church. Cesaropapism became a characteristic phenomenon for both Byzantium and for the Russian Empire. Intervention of political elites in the spiritual sphere takes place also in modern Ukraine, as our country is still experiencing the consequences of political and spiritual Russian hegemony.

The 22nd annual conference of the European Consortium for Church and State Research took place from 11 to 14 November 2010 in Trier, Germany. Founded in 1989, the Consortium unites experts of law and religion of all Member States of the European Union. In annual meetings, various topics of the relations between religions and states within the European Union are discussed. This year- conference was dedicated to the topic "Religion in Public Education". Scholars from 27 European countries discussed inter alia the role of religion in the European member states" educational systems, opting out of school obligations for religious reasons, home schooling as well as religious dress and symbols in public schools. The present proceedings contain the opening lectures, all country reports and a report on the European Union law.

In a previous article in this journal, which was entitled "The Kingdom and the State," we explored the possibility of formulating a biblicaltheological view of the state. In a sense that article could as well have appeared under the same title as is found above the present one, for in our enquiry we found ourselves continuously and inescapably involved in the question of the relationship between the church and the state. This is hardly surprising in view of the fact that; when one looks at things from the perspective of the Christian revelation, one will inevitably be confronted with the reality of the church in all her particularity. This is how it is in the Christian religion, where the church is not regarded as finding her origin in man-in other words, is not regarded as an association of religiously minded people - but as the body of Christ, instituted by him and preserved through the presence and the power of the Holy Spirit. In short, the particularity of the church is given with the particularity of the revelation; from the Christian point of view religion and church belong together. Consequently, the perennial question of religion and politics has manifested itself in Western culture during the past nineteen hundred years mainly in the form of the problem of the relationship between the church and the state.