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The relationship between church and state has been a problem for many centuries and still is today. Coming from the Reformed background, the writer was first interested in Calvin's view on church and state in connection with Luther's view on the same subject encountered in the Luther Studies Course. The writer soon found differences of opinion among historians as to how Calvin considered the church in relation with the state. Further research led to the understanding that there are two main problems involved in this study: the separation between church and state and the interpretation of Calvin's democratic ideals.
Original ed. issued as no. 5-6 of Labor, slavery, and self-government, which forms the 11th series of the Johns Hopkins University studies in historical and political science. ; Pages also numbered 208-277. ; Bibliography: p. 65. ; Mode of access: Internet.
In a powerful challenge to conventional wisdom, Philip Hamburger argues that the separation of church and state has no historical foundation in the First Amendment. The detailed evidence assembled here shows that eighteenth-century Americans almost never invoked this principle. Although Thomas Jefferson and others retrospectively claimed that the First Amendment separated church and state, separation became part of American constitutional law only much later. Hamburger shows that separation became a constitutional freedom largely through fear and prejudice. Jefferson supported separation out of hostility to the Federalist clergy of New England. Nativist Protestants (ranging from nineteenth-century Know Nothings to twentieth-century members of the K.K.K.) adopted the principle of separation to restrict the role of Catholics in public life. Gradually, these Protestants were joined by theologically liberal, anti-Christian secularists, who hoped that separation would limit Christianity and all other distinct religions. Eventually, a wide range of men and women called for separation. Almost all of these Americans feared ecclesiastical authority, particularly that of the Catholic Church, and, in response to their fears, they increasingly perceived religious liberty to require a separation of church from state. American religious liberty was thus redefined and even transformed. In the process, the First Amendment was often used as an instrument of intolerance and discrimination. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1030/thumbnail.jpg
This essay offers a re-examination of the concept of Erastianism as an explanatory tool in discussions of church and state. It focuses in particular on three texts – by Pierre du Moulin, Thomas Cobbet and John Milton - that took up the question of the nature of civil power in the sphere of religion. Based on this, the essay argues that the term 'Erastianism' obscures the complexity and nuance of arguments about religious politics in the civil war period. It concludes by suggesting that we should instead consider these debates as contributions to discourse on civil religion.
This thesis asks what influence Christianity had on Canadian Confederation. It studies discussions relevant to political philosophy, education, and worldview in general in the Province of Canada's 1865 ratification debates on the Quebec Resolutions. Chapter 1 demonstrates the influence of beliefs about Canada's standing as a Christian nation, the sinfulness and fallibility of human nature, the importance of religious liberty on constitutional preferences, and support for the British constitutional tradition of mixed government. Chapter 2 shows how different Protestant and Roman Catholic convictions about the eternal nature of the human soul impacted views on the group rights issue of educational systems. Chapter 3 examines how providence-based understandings of history shaped the Canadian founders' vision for the new dominion. The thesis argues that a perception of 'God and state' had a widespread and foundational influence at Confederation. It also reassesses the 'political nationality' interpretation promoted by Morton, LaSelva, Ajzenstat, and others. ; February 2018
The Maltese population has always loved feasts and rituals. The local Roman Catholic Church has since late medieval times played a central role in these festivities. Boissevain has admirably described these ceremonies in the way they were celebrated just before independence. The same author has pointed to the ever increasing scale of two community rituals, e.g. the Good Friday processions and the village festi. In this paper I would like to emphasize another aspect of feasts and rituals. Ever since Malta became independent many attempts to interfere with various religious ceremonies have been made by different groups within the Roman Catholic Church, each of them claiming to implement the consequences of the Second Vatican Council {1962-1965}. The Socialist Government that was in power between 1971 and 1987,4 also interfered several times with the celebration of religious feasts. This may he seen as a consequence of its policy to curtail the influence of Church and clergy. ; peer-reviewed
Abraham Kuyper died in 1920 at the age of 83. Fifty years after his death, a little book was published in The Netherlands with the curious title: Gesprek Over de Onbekende Kuyper—A Conversation About The Unknown Kuyper. Kuyper unknown? How could a man be unknown who had been a public figure for nearly two generations? Who in his lifetime wrote some 200 books, pamphlets, and brochures? A man who had founded a daily newspaper which he edited for nearly 50 years, during which time he wrote literally thousands of articles and editorials which constitute a running commentary on the political and ecclesiastical life of the Netherlands during a period of nearly half a century. A man who had helped found a university at which he lectured for many years. A man who had founded a political party of which he remained leader for forty years. A man who had served several terms in both the Upper and Lower Chambers of his country's Parliament. A man who had achieved the highest political office that his land had to offer- that of Prime Minister.
In 1925, a 40-foot stone cross was erected in Bladensburg Maryland. The cross was built by the American Legion and is known as the Bladensburg Cross or, more commonly, the Peace Cross. It was built as a monument to honor the 49 men from Prince George's County who fought and died in World War I. The design of the monument is a simple white cross, which was a fairly common style in cemeteries at the time of its construction (though some argue that the cross was a central symbol of the war). Construction initially began on public land, but when the project ran out of funding, the American Legion took over and completed construction in a private capacity. In 1961, the state obtained the land through the state's exercise of its eminent domain power for the purposes of constructing a highway. The memorial now stands on a highway median on state land and is maintained by Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission. In 1985, the commission spent $100,000 in taxpayer money to renovate the monument. At that time, the state conducted a ceremony during which the monument was rededicated to veterans of all wars. In 2008, the legislature set an additional $100,000 for renovation of the deteriorating monument, but the general consensus is that at this stage the monument is beyond repair.
Vols. 1- issued as Committee print ; "Prepared . for the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate." ; v. 1. The U.S.S.R.--v. 2. Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania.--v. 3. Yugoslavia.--v. 4. Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia.--v. 5. Poland.--v. 6. Hungary, Czechoslovakia, German Democratic Republic.--v. 7. Cuba.--v. 8. Communist China.--v. 9. North Korea, Democratic Republic of Vietnam ; Mode of access: Internet.
Vol. 21, No. 2, 1979 ; Copy of an article from a 1979 issue of "Journal of Church and State," written by Leavy and Raps, on the subject of government aid to church shools. ; Date is approximate
Here are three competing stories about how the idea of separation of church and state relates to the First Amendment clause that provides that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion."