Este trabalho trata-se de uma resenha crítica do livro Ciudadanos reemplazados por algoritmos, escrito por Néstor García Canclini, em 2019. Na obra, o autor discute, em forma de ensaio, como ser cidadão no capitalismo global e eletrônico, em um contexto no qual se reorganizam conceitos, antes seguros, de cidadania, política e globalização. Quando os sistemas tradicionais de fazer política parecem falhar, o autor busca compreensão, respostas e saídas nas novas formas de participação e reinvindicação, nos jovens e nas culturas do hackeamento, atentando para a perigosa combinação da opacidade dos algoritmos e da transparência dos nossos dados. ; This work is a critical review of the book Ciudadanos reemplazados por algoritmos, written by Néstor García Canclini, in 2019. In the work, the author discusses, as an essay, how to be a citizen in global and electronic capitalism, in a context in which, previously safe, concepts of citizenship, politics and globalization are reorganized. When traditional systems of making politics seem to fail, the author seeks understanding, answers and solutions in new forms of participation and claim, in young people and in hacking cultures, paying attention to the dangerous combination of the opacity of the algorithms and the transparency of our data.
The rhetoric of national unity as the basis for building a new society is one of the inspirations in the implementation of policies in the current Cuban context. As an example, the National Strategy for the Care of Transgender People in Cuba aims at the social integration of trans* people, using narratives of national and unity cohesion. This work reflects critically on the limits of public policies and on how certain rhetoric calls into question their universality. To this end, we take into consideration some contributions from cultural and feminist studies and debates about radical and plural democracy. In the conclusions, we point out alternatives to the discourse on the integration of trans* people in Cuba through national unity and cohesion. Among the alternatives we take a distance from conceptions that think of differences only in terms of subordination and antagonism relations as well as based on the provisional nature of policies, their possibility of creating alliances, to be mobilized by the passions, seem more feasible to contribute significantly to improve the citizenship of trans* people in the Cuban context. ; La retórica de la unidad nacional como base para la construcción de una nueva sociedad es una de las inspiraciones para la implementación de políticas en el contexto cubano actual. Como ejemplo de eso, la Estrategia Nacional de Atención a personas transexuales en Cuba aspira a la integración social de las personas trans*, recurriendo a narrativas de unidad y cohesión nacionales. Este estudio reflexiona críticamente sobre los límites de las políticas públicas y el modo en que determinadas retóricas cuestionan su universalidad. Para ello nos basamos en contribuciones de los estudios culturales, estudios feministas y debates acerca de la democracia radical y plural. En las conclusiones apuntamos alternativas al discurso de la integración de las personas trans* en Cuba por la vía de la unidad y cohesión nacionales. Entre las alternativas consideramos que un distanciamiento frente a concepciones que piensan las diferencias solo en términos de relaciones de subordinación y antagonismo, así como una apuesta en el carácter provisional de las políticas, su posibilidad de crear alianzas, de ser movilizadas por las pasiones, podrían contribuir significativamente para incrementar la ciudadanía de personas trans * en el contexto cubano. ; A retórica da unidade nacional como base para a construção de uma nova sociedade é uma das inspirações na implementação de políticas no contexto cubano atual. A exemplo disso, a Estratégia Nacional de Atenção a pessoas transexuais, em Cuba, almeja a integração social das pessoas trans*, recorrendo a narrativas de unidade e coesão nacionais. Este trabalho reflete criticamente sobre os limites das políticas públicas e o modo como determinadas retóricas colocam em causa a sua universalidade. Para tal baseamo-nos em contribuições dos estudos culturais, estudos feministas e debates acerca da democracia radical e plural. Nas conclusões apontamos alternativas ao discurso da integração das pessoas trans*, em Cuba, pela via da unidade e coesão nacionais. Dentre as alternativas consideramos que um distanciamento face a concepções que pensem as diferenças apenas em termos de relações de subordinação e antagonismo, assim como uma aposta no caráter provisório das políticas, a sua possibilidade de criar alianças, de ser mobilizadas pelas paixões, poderiam contribuir significativamente para incrementar a cidadania de pessoas trans* no contexto cubano.
O projeto "Educação para a cidadania digital e participação democrática" envolveu cerca de 200 crianças de Pré-escolar e 1º Ciclo, suas famílias, professoras e outros membros das comunidades escolar e educativa de Caneças, concelho de Odivelas, distrito de Lisboa. Assumindo como metodologia a investigação-ação, teve como objetivo central compreender em que medida uma ação concertada da escola, das famílias e da comunidade contribui para a preparação de crianças, dos três aos nove anos, para o exercício de uma cidadania digital ativa. Este artigo centra-se nas atividades de participação social das crianças, através dos média, tradicionais e digitais, envolvendo atividades marcadas pela transversalidade entre os contextos de aprendizagem formais, não-formais e informais. Os resultados mostram que a participação social das crianças através dos média aumentou, tendo evoluído paulatinamente, da produção de conteúdos de média tradicionais (jornal escolar) para a produção de conteúdos digitais (vídeo). Revelam ainda que um modelo de investigação-ação, efetivamente adaptado ao contexto e em função da prévia caracterização deste, é uma metodologia adequada ao desenvolvimento deste tipo de projetos. Mas o adequado desenvolvimento implica ainda apoio da direção da escola, apoio sustentado dos investigadores aos docentes e o desejável envolvimento de jornalistas e/ou outros profissionais de média. ; The project "Educação para a cidadania digital e participação democrática" [Digital citizenship education for democratic participation], which began in 2015, currently involves around 200 kindergarten and primary school children, their families, teachers and other members of the Caneças educational community, a neighbourhood in Odivelas, Lisbon. The project's methodology is action research, its objective is to understand how a coordinated action by a school, families and the community, contributes to enabling three to nine-year-old children to become active digital citizens. This paper focuses on social participation activities of children through traditional and digital media and involves activities that include formal, non-formal and informal learning contexts. Results show that social participation of children through the media increased and gradually evolved from producing traditional media content (school newspaper) to producing digital content (video). They also evidence that action research methodology, adjusted to context and deriving from prior understanding of the context, is an adequate methodology for developing this type of project. However, its adequate implementation implies the support of the school board, researchers' support to the teachers and the involvement of journalists and/or other media professionals.
This article aims to analyze two fields of the Brazilian cultural policy developed since 2000, during the governments of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff. The first analysis focus on the Nacional System of Culture and its goal of generating stability to the national cultural policy through the linking of the federal entities. In this context, the text addresses aspects related to the challenges involved in the multilevel governance in Brazil considering, on the one hand, the tradition of the country in developing systemic policies, and by the other hand, the problems faced to promote a democratic, decentralized and cooperative cultural management. The second analysis seeks the role of the country, represented by the Ministries of Culture and of Foreign Affairs, in processes of cultural cooperation and multilateral negotiation in the Ibero-American space. Thus, the article approaches the unprecedented international dimension that culture has achieved to the Brazilian's policy of foreign affairs, becoming an important diplomatic tool.
Local Agenda 21 is essentially a process of democratic practicing, insofar as it involves sharing political competencies in decision making by the local authorities, and the mobilisation of all citizens and civil society organisations in the process. It is, thus, a course of action in which the willingness and openness of local political leaders is as important as the ability of citizens to take the initiative of learning about and getting involved in local public life. Unfortunately, there are no more than twenty LA21 processes running in Portugal, and most of them do not fulfil all the parameters required. This paper discusses some hypotheses on the lack of success of LA21 in Portugal, which are related to structural political conditions for local governance and public participation. Resorting to some surveys on environmental policy issues (applied to both the municipal leaders and the population), the aim is to characterise the trends of mobilisation on local sustainability in Portuguese society, particularly with regard to the citizenry and local administrations.
Este artigo trata das políticas de saúde pública para os povos indígenas do Brasil, enfocando as relações de violência observadas pelos autores durante sua pesquisa. Chamamos a atenção para os diferentes tipos de violência através de uma análise que articula o trabalho de campo sobre atenção primária à saúde em áreas indígenas com observações de negociações políticas sobre questões de saúde envolvendo líderes indígenas e funcionários públicos. Há, por um lado, a violência simbólica que pode ser observada nas interações cotidianas entre as/os trabalhadoras/es da saúde e as/os pacientes indígenas e, por outro, as contradições de uma retórica política oficial que afirma a autoridade indígena e, em seguida, a descarta sistematicamente quando as decisões que envolvem saúde pública são colocadas em prática. A pesquisa combina diferentes estratégias metodológicas (trabalho intensivo de campo, pesquisa sobre documentos de políticas públicas, observação participante de encontros políticos, entrevista com indígenas e gestores etc.) para estabelecer correlações entre violência interpessoal e violência estrutural ao longo dos processos democráticos de construção de políticas públicas na saúde indígena. Nessa perspectiva, o artigo aborda a violência no setor saúde além dos indivíduos e suas intenções; propõe que a violência em saúde seja interpretada no contexto de uma discussão mais ampla sobre a construção da cidadania indígena que articula a tutela e a participação política nas políticas de saúde no Brasil. ; This article concerns public health policies for the Indigenous peoples of Brazil, focusing on relations of violence observed by the authors during their research. We draw attention to different types of violence through an analysis that articulates fieldwork on primary health care in Indigenous Areas with observations of political negotiations concerning health issues involving Indigenous leaders and government workers. There is, on the one hand, the habitual symbolic violence that can be observed in daily interactions between health workers and Indigenous patients, and, on the other, the contradictions of an official political rhetoric that assents to Indigenous authority and then systematically dismisses it when decisions that involve public health are put into practice. The research combines different methodological strategies (intensive fieldwork, research on public policy documents, participant observation of political meetings, interview with indigenes and managers, etc.) to establish correlations between interpersonal violence and structural violence along democratic processes of public policies building in Indigenous health. From this perspective, the paper addresses the violence in health sector beyond the individuals and their intentions; it proposes that violence in health must be interpreted against the backdrop of a broader discussion on the construction of Indigenous citizenship that articulates tutelage and political participation in the politics of health practices in Brazil.
O projeto "Educação para a cidadania digital e participação democrática" envolveu cerca de 200 crianças de Pré-escolar e 1º Ciclo, suas famílias, professoras e outros membros das comunidades escolar e educativa de Caneças, concelho de Odivelas, distrito de Lisboa. Assumindo como metodologia a investigação-ação, teve como objetivo central compreender em que medida uma ação concertada da escola, das famílias e da comunidade contribui para a preparação de crianças, dos três aos nove anos, para o exercício de uma cidadania digital ativa. Este artigo centra-se nas atividades de participação social das crianças, através dos média, tradicionais e digitais, envolvendo atividades marcadas pela transversalidade entre os contextos de aprendizagem formais, não-formais e informais. Os resultados mostram que a participação social das crianças através dos média aumentou, tendo evoluído paulatinamente, da produção de conteúdos de média tradicionais (jornal escolar) para a produção de conteúdos digitais (vídeo). Revelam ainda que um modelo de investigação-ação, efetivamente adaptado ao contexto e em função da prévia caracterização deste, é uma metodologia adequada ao desenvolvimento deste tipo de projetos. Mas o adequado desenvolvimento implica ainda apoio da direção da escola, apoio sustentado dos investigadores aos docentes e o desejável envolvimento de jornalistas e/ou outros profissionais de média. ; The project "Educação para a cidadania digital e participação democrática" [Digital citizenship education for democratic participation], which began in 2015, currently involves around 200 kindergarten and primary school children, their families, teachers and other members of the Caneças educational community, a neighbourhood in Odivelas, Lisbon. The project's methodology is action research, its objective is to understand how a coordinated action by a school, families and the community, contributes to enabling three to nine-year-old children to become active digital citizens. This paper focuses on social participation activities of children through traditional and digital media and involves activities that include formal, non-formal and informal learning contexts. Results show that social participation of children through the media increased and gradually evolved from producing traditional media content (school newspaper) to producing digital content (video). They also evidence that action research methodology, adjusted to context and deriving from prior understanding of the context, is an adequate methodology for developing this type of project. However, its adequate implementation implies the support of the school board, researchers' support to the teachers and the involvement of journalists and/or other media professionals.
This article focuses on the processes of subjectivity change and subjectification among Brazilian Jews who become citizens of Israel. Global Zionist movements and the State of Israel interpellate their Brazilian and Jewish Diasporic identities, and the process of migration (aliyah) is rooted in diverse motivations, that are further challenged by the political situation in Israel/Palestine. The characteristics of the Jewish Diaspora and of citizenship accession in Israel allow for different ways of looking at contemporary migrations and circulations of people, as well as the way that national and cultural identifications are negotiated between subjects, social context, and the state. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
The European Conference on Educational Research 2009 took place in Vienna, Austria from 25-26 September 2009 (Pre-conference) and 28-30 September 2009 (Main Conference). ; In the late twentieth century, beginnings of the XXI century, citizenship education assumed a great importance in the educative European system. In Portugal, the document advisor of the politics for the basic teaching, published by the Ministry of Education in 1998, empathizes the need of the school to take office like a privileged area of education for the citizenship. The publication of the act nº 6/2001 approved the Basic Education Curriculum in citizenship education as a key element of the reorganization and as a structuring axis of the whole National Curriculum. This document defends the educational integration to the citizenship as a transversal and inter disciplinary dimension of the elementary school. In the same line of orientation, the Report of the Basic Knowledge of all citizens in the XXI century, published by the National Council of Education in 2004, considers the Active Citizenship as one of the five basic skills for this century. This Document conceives on citizenship an axiological dimension, identifying the ethics of responsibility as the basis for the formation of the new citizen, able to respond to the demands of the globalized society. The answer to these demands requires adopting new educational practices, embodied skills essential to the integration of young people as critical in changing social and cultural. Having in consideration this philosophy of the educative Portuguese system and to the new demands that she causes, we intended to carry out a PhD project on Ethics of the Responsibility in the Citizenship Education . The aim of this communication present part of a work of collaborative action-research, which includes the draft of PhD and that, is still in development. Paying attention to the vastness of the project, in this communication we restrict ourselves to the presentation of work developed with teachers in the context of the conceptualization of the active citizenship and in the creation of conditions so that the education for the citizenship is understood from a dimension ethics-axiological and integrated across the curriculum. To carry out this objective we organize this communication in the next points: reflections on intrinsic relationship between education, citizenship and ethics of responsibility; contextualization of education for citizenship in the Portuguese curriculum, presenting his reach and limitations; conceptualization of the research-action collaborative and conclusions.
In an increasingly saturated information and infoxicated world, Media Literacy emerges as a necessity for effective filtering of the vast amount of information we consume. The present research aims to quantitatively analyze the level of media competencies of Colombian(Medellin) and Ecuadorian (Loja and Zamora) teachers by means of the application of an adaptation of the taxonomy from the media competencies model, which consists of 6 dimensions and a total of 12 indicators. The total analyzed sample was comprised of 654 teachers from 81 public and private institutions. A data-gathering instrument was used with the aim of determining their level of media competencies from each of the dimensions. The results showed a low to medium level of media competency knowledge, which illustrated the need for priority interventions based on local, regional and international works, namely those that mobilize scientific, academic and political collaboration to improve the performance of a population that should lead the general training of citizens in media competencies. ; Em um mundo cada vez mais saturado e infoxicado, a literacia mediática emerge como uma necessidade de filtragem eficiente da vasta quantidade de informação que consumimos. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar qualitativamente o grau de competência midiática dos docentes colombianos (cidade de Medellín) e equatorianos (cidades de Loja e Zamora) através da aplicação de uma taxonomia adaptada do modelo de competências mediáticas, que é constituído por seis dimensões e 12 indicadores. A mostra analisada foi composta por 654 docentes de 81 instituições públicas e privadas. Foi aplicado um instrumento de levantamento de dados com a finalidade de determinar o nível de competência midiática dos docentes por cada dimensão. Os resultados obtidos expressam um grau baixo e mediano de competência mediática, o que evidencia a necessidade de intervenções prioritárias a partir de trabalhos locais, regionais e internacionais que mobilizem cooperação científica, acadêmica e política para melhorar o desempeno de um grupo que deveria liderar a formação geral da cidadania. ; En un mundo cada vez más sobresaturado de información e infoxicado, las competencias mediáticas emergen como una necesidad para el filtrado efectivo de la ingente cantidad de informaciones que consumimos.La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar cuantitativamente el grado de competencias mediáticas de docentes colombianos (ciudad de Medellín) y ecuatorianos (ciudades de Loja y Zamora), a través de la aplicación de una adaptación de la taxonomía del modelo de competencias mediáticas, contentivo de 6 dimensiones y 12 indicadores totales. La muestra total analizada se compuso de 654 docentes de 81 instituciones públicas y privadas, a los que se les aplicó un instrumento de recogida de datos con el fin de determinar su nivel de competencia mediática por cada una de las dimensiones. Los resultados expresan un bajo y mediano nivel de competencias, lo que hace evidente la demanda de intervenciones prioritarias desde trabajos locales, regionales e internacionales que movilicen cooperación científica, académica y política para mejorar el desempeño de una población quedebería liderar la formación general de la ciudadanía en competencias mediáticas.
De acordo com Val Plumwood (1995), a democracia liberal é um sistema político autoritário, que protege privilégios mas falha em proteger a natureza. Um obstáculo importante, diz ela, é a desigualdade radical, cujo alcance se tornou inacreditavelmente longo sob a democracia liberal; um índice da "capacidade dos grupos privilegiados de distribuir bens sociais verticalmente e de criar uma rigidez que esconda a corretividade democrática das instituições sociais" (p. 134). Este conto cautelar tem repercussões para a educação, especialmente a educação cívica e para a cidadania. Para resolver isso, exploramos o potencial do que Gerard Delanty chama de "cidadania cultural" como uma alternativa à cidadania disciplinar que permeia o discurso liberal ocidental. A cidadania cultural enfatiza a cidadania como comunicação e processos contínuos de aprendizagem, rejeitando a ideia de cidadania como um conjunto fixo de ideais culturais, normas ou valores definidos e impostos pelas instituições legais, políticas e culturais da sociedade liberal, incluindo educação e "formação cidadã". No entanto, afirmamos que um primeiro passo crítico, essencial para a correção democrática, é eliminar os obstáculos criados pelo privilégio de uma posição epistêmica dominante. Concluímos que a filosofia de Plumwood, juntamente com o trabalho de John Dewey sobre democracia e educação, fornece um arcabouço teórico para a investigação democrática efetiva voltada para a prática interconectiva e deliberativa e a metodologia corretiva para a responsabilização epistêmica. ; Según Val Plumwood (1995), la democracia liberal es un sistema político autoritario que protege los privilegios pero no protege la naturaleza. Un obstáculo importante, dice, es la desigualdad radical, que se ha extendido cada vez más en la democracia liberal; un indicador de "la capacidad de sus grupos privilegiados para distribuir bienes sociales hacia las clases altas y para crear rigideces que dificultan la corrección democrática de las instituciones sociales" (p. 134). Esta advertencia tiene repercusiones en la educación, especialmente en educación cívica y ciudadanía. Para abordar esta cuestión, exploramos el potencial de lo que Gerard Delanty llama "ciudadanía cultural" como una alternativa a la ciudadanía disciplinaria que impregna el discurso liberal occidental. La ciudadanía cultural enfatiza la ciudadanía como procesos de comunicación y aprendizaje continuo, rechazando la idea de ciudadanía como un conjunto fijo de ideales, normas o valores culturales definidos y aplicados por las instituciones legales, políticas y culturales de la sociedad liberal, incluida la educación y la "capacitación en ciudadanía". Sin embargo, sostenemos que un primer paso crítico, esencial para la corrección democrática, es eliminar los obstáculos creados por el privilegio de una posición epistémica dominante. Concluimos que la filosofía de Plumwood junto con el trabajo de John Dewey sobre democracia y educación proporciona un marco teórico para una investigación democrática efectiva orientada hacia la interconexión, la práctica deliberativa y la metodología correctiva para la responsabilidad epistémica. ; According to Val Plumwood (1995), liberal-democracy is an authoritarian political system that protects privilege but fails to protect nature. A major obstacle, she says, is radical inequality, which has become increasingly far-reaching under liberal-democracy; an indicator of 'the capacity of its privileged groups to distribute social goods upwards and to create rigidities which hinder the democratic correctiveness of social institutions' (p. 134). This cautionary tale has repercussions for education, especially civics and citizenship education. To address this, we explore the potential of what Gerard Delanty calls 'cultural citizenship' as an alternative to the disciplinary citizenship that permeates Western liberal discourse. Cultural citizenship emphasises citizenship as communication and continual learning processes, rejecting the idea of citizenship as a fixed set of cultural ideals, norms or values defined and enforced by liberal society's legal, political and cultural institutions, including education and 'citizenship training'. However, we contend that a critical first step, essential to democratic correctiveness, is to clear away obstacles created by the privileging of a dominant epistemic position. We conclude that Plumwood's philosophy alongside John Dewey's work on democracy and education provide a theoretical framework for effective democratic inquiry aimed towards interconnective, deliberative practice and corrective methodology for epistemic accountability.
Ver também: http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/education/edc/Source/Pdf/Documents/2004_%20%2044rev5_17%20sept%202007_TT%20Tool%203%20Appendix%209_en.pdf ; This article presents guidelines for the development of teachers' competencies and for adequate and efficient methods and processes for Education for Democratic Citizenship. These guidelines are laid out in detail in chapters 3 and 4 of Tool on Teacher Training for Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education, by Rolf Gollob, Edward Huddleston, Peter Kraft, Maria-Helena Salema and Vedrana Spajic-Vrkas, edited by Edward Huddleston. The purpose of this tool is to draw the attention of policy makers in the member states to the importance of teacher training for EDC and HRE and its implications for both policy and practice. It contains four chapters dealing with the following issues: the need for teacher training; support structures and mechanisms in teacher training for EDC; teacher competencies, education for values, dispositions and attitudes; processes and methods in teaching and training. authority. This Tool 3 on Teacher Training for Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education is an instrument prepared for the ear 2005. It is included in the EDC Pack, which is a collection of practical instruments specifically designed to provide support to all those involved in education. It has four main goals: •To raise awareness of EDC and encourage reflection on the role of education in promoting EDC and HRE; •To communicate coherent EDC policies, strategies and approaches that are based on current actions and practices; •To stimulate discussion, debate and action on new methods and directions for EDC and HRE policies and practices, including the democratic governance of educational institutions; •To build capacity for EDC by providing an instrument that supports the development of effective EDC policies and practices at all levels and sectors of the education system. The EDC Pack has been prepared as a follow-up to the Council of Europe's ...
Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups. ; Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe
Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe ; Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.
Numa União Europeia ainda muito desigual em termos económicos e sociais, a autora reclama por uma maior convergência entre a cidadania e os direitos fundamentais, por forma a tornar o cidadão europeu um ser mais completo, titular de direitos associados ao estatuto de cidadania europeia, incluindo os direitos consagrados no artigo 20º do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia (não discriminação, circulação, residência, participação política e cívica, proteção diplomática) e os direitos previstos na Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia e na Convenção Europeia dos Direitos do Homem e das Liberdades Fundamentais. A autora enfatiza a importância do estatuto de cidadania europeiaenquanto instrumento da tutela dos direitos e elemento de coesão entre os cidadãos da União – e, neste contexto, proclama a jurisprudência do homenageado Conselheiro Cunha Rodrigues como precursora de uma nova dimensão da cidadania da União e do consequente alargamento do âmbito de aplicação do direito da União Europeia. ; In a European Union still ridden with social and economic imbalances, the author calls for greater convergence between citizenship and fundamental rights in order to make the European citizen a more complete being, enjoying rights resulting from the European citizenship status, including the rights enshrined in Article 20 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (non-discrimination, freedom of movement, residence, political and civic participation, diplomatic protection) and the rights listed in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The author emphasizes the importance of the European citizenship status as an instrument of protection of rights and an element of cohesion among Union citizens – and, in this context, highlights the case law of the honoree Judge Cunha Rodrigues as a precursor to a new dimension of Union citizenship and the consequent widening of the scope of European Union law.
