Suchergebnisse

The territory known as Ciskei - an independent national state - and its de facto residents, known as Ciskeians, are the administrative, organisational and financial responsibility of the Ciskei government. As such, this government plans strategies aimed at promoting development for Ciskeians in its territory. Very broadly, 'development' is understood to mean the improvement of the life chances and living conditions of Ciskeians, and of poorer Ciskeians in particular (Ward, 1980). The Ciskei government, by its very nature, thus sees itself as intimately involved in the creation and implementation of a development strategy focussed on its territory. This paper has three interrelated aims. First, a demographic and socio-economic profile of Ciskei will be presented. This will be attempted by using such generally accepted indicators as trends in population, gross national product, unemployment rates, and per capita income. In addition, three types of classification will be introduced to sharpen this profile. Ciskeian resident communities will be grouped together, on the basis of their location and access to productive activities, into (i) urban communities, (ii) rural villages, and (iii) closer settlements. In the second place, cash- -earning workers will be grouped together, on the basis of their places of residence and of work, into (i) Ciskeian workers, (ii) frontier commuters (Riekert, 1979), and (iii) migrants. Finally, a distinction will be drawn between the income accruing to resident Ciskeian households (i) which is earned within Ciskei itself, and (ii) which is earned outside Ciskei. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

The Ciskei was gradually 'consolidated' by a process of geo-political gerrymandering that included the incorporation of black dormitory townships dependent on 'white' cities outside the homeland for survival. By 1973, the Ciskei homeland's de facto population was estimated at 602 000.4 Since then, the overcrowded rural population has been forced to absorb thousands of refugees removed from South Africa's 'white' areas — including several 'black spots' now outside the boundaries of the homeland — and migrants from two districts (Herschel and Glen Grey) formerly in the Ciskei which were ceded by the South African government to Transkei. Any attempt at measuring the extent to which communication affects the political credibility of the present Ciskei homeland in the eyes of its inhabitants must be weighed against these historical realities. This monograph is divided into three parts: 1. An outline of the political system in the Ciskei. 2. The role of the mass media in determining attitudes towards homeland news. 3. Some observations on the status accorded oral channels of communication in the transmission and validation of political news in selected rural and urban areas of the Ciskei. In obtaining data for this study, five surveys were conducted in two rural villages, the biggest urban area in the Ciskei and the Ciskei Legislative Assembly. The villages of Gobozana (or Xengxe) and Nyaniso formed the basis of the rural surveys conducted in April — June 1976. Fifty heads of homesteads in each village, in a universe of about 500 homesteads, were selected at random. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

This paper presents the findings of part of a research project entitled "Population Mobility and Settlement Patterns in the Eastern Cape, 1950 to 1990", which was funded by the Human Sciences Research Council. The part of the project with which this paper is concerned, is the study of resettlement in the Border/Ciskei area of the (new) Eastern Cape Province. It involves two main foci: a) the Whittlesea district of the former Ciskei, where research was done in the resettlement area of Sada (where findings are compared with research done there in 1981) and Dongwe; and b) the Fort Beaufort area, where we looked at the two 'black spot' communities of Upisdraai and Gqugesi which were uprooted and moved to the Fort Beaufort township of Bhofolo in the 1960s, and at the establishment of black citrus farmers in the Kat River Valley in the late 1980s, on previously White owned farms which were bought out by the (then) Ciskei government. In the Conclusion, some important differences are suggested between resettlement in the Eastern Cape and in QwaQwa, one of the areas of South Africa that has been most severely affected by resettlement. Ways in which the South African material may be seen in terms of prevailing models for the analysis of resettlement, and may provide an input for the modification of these approaches, are briefly considered. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

Presents a hitherto uncompiled account of the political evolution of the Transkei and Ciskei 'independent' homelands. Events have called into question their supposed economic dependence on South Africa. Indeed the South African government's abandonment of the homeland policy suggests a retreat from a collapsing system. GAW

There can be little doubt that manufacturing industry is one of the principal vehicles in the process of economic growth and development. The effect of growth in output and employment in this sector usually stimulates other sectors making for an expansion of output and employment opportunities across an entire economy. This paper is thus concerned with the development of manufacturing industry in Ciskei over the past decade as well as its prospects for growth in the foreseeable future. The paper itself falls into five sections. Section 1 provides a brief historical overview of political and constitutional developments and of industrial growth in the Border region and in Ciskei ever the past fifteen years. Section 2 outlines the current incentive package and indicates its impact on the industrial sector of Ciskei. Section 3 considers the recommendations of the Swart Commission while Section 4 discusses the role and activities of the Ciskei People's Development Bank. Section 5 presents the findings of a limited survey of manufacturing firms in Ciskei and leads onto the final section which offers some recommendations for industrial development in Ciskei specifically and in Region D as a whole. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

ANTHROPOLOGISTS IN SOUTH AFRICA HAVE BEFCOME INCREASINGLY CONCERNED WITH THE CAUSES AND PROCESSES OF ECONOMIC DIFFERENTIATION IN THE HOMELAND AREAS OF SOUTH AFRICA. PART OF THE FOCUS ON DIFFERENTIATION HAS BEEN CONCERNED WITH THE CAUSES OF ECONOMIC DIFFERENTIATION. ANOTHER APSECT OF THE FOCUS HAS BEEN ON STRATEGIES, COMPETITION AND CONFLICT RELATING TO DIFFERENTIAL ACCESS TO RESOURCES AND POWER WITHIN COMMUNITIES. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES THESE AREAS.

The issue of economic differentiation in South Africa has become a dominant area of analysis for anthropologists concerned with the homeland region, with research focused on material & social causes of differences. Here, an examination of the relationship between the material factor of land ownership & voluntary social interactions (rituals) & their effect on differentiation is presented. Through empirical data gathered in & on the Ciskei village of Rabula, it is concluded that land ownership has become a less important factor in determining social status & security than it was in the 1950s, which is partially related to the development of local civil service jobs & the movement from migrant wages to stable & relatively high salaries. These salaries have provided town members with opportunities for conspicuous consumption & investment in education & the expansion of personal businesses. These newly wealthy members of society are now more likely than landowners to experience high social status. 9 Tables, 1 Figure, 2 References. J. MacDowell

Rural development comprises three components: production, consumption and organisation. PRODUCTION points to the activities rural people undertake to obtain goods (such as food) and services (such as transport) for themselves and others in their community. Production can be measured in terms of the amount of money a rural family earns, or in terms of the amount of food the family grows and consumes. CONSUMPTION points to the fulfilment of the needs—in the first place, the basic needs—of rural families. Primary examples are the availability of clean water and of wood as a fuel source, of health and adequate nutrition, of education, welfare and transport. These needs are met by the delivery of services to a rural community. Services are provided in the first place by the central state, often through its local authority (in Ciskei, the Tribal Authority). They may also be provided by voluntary associations active in the community, or by the household itself. ORGANISATION points simply to the ways in which productive activities (work) and consumption (receiving) are linked together in a rural community. The structure of the Tribal Authority and village councils, of schools, clinics, agricultural cooperatives, churches and women's groups are examples. All these institutions are designed to improve production and consumption in a given rural community. A rural development strategy then is a strategy aimed at improving production, consumption and the ways in which these two are linked. A rural development strategy moreover is initiated by the central government and can therefore be seen as a relationship between the central government and rural communities in Ciskei. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)