Suchergebnisse

This Article takes up the question of "who counts?" with a three-part argument. The first part of the argument makes the case that citizenship in liberal democracies is subject to stresses caused by internal doctrinal conflict that result in the creation of semi-citizenship statuses that offer some individuals partial bundles of rights and semi-citizen statuses. Semi-citizenship is inevitable. The second part of the argument looks closely at how this affects the distribution of the political rights of citizenship: voting and representation. I make the argument that we ought not conflate voting and representation. Each is a distinct political right. People who cannot vote or do not vote are not necessarily entirely unrepresented. This is particularly evident if one takes seriously the trustee model of representation. The third part of the Article compares three different cases of semi-citizenship in which groups who are counted for the purposes of the census and legislative apportionment are not accorded the vote. I examine the cases of children, non-citizens, and felons, briefly illustrating how and why trusteeship serves the first two groups and fails the third. These conclusions bolster the case for treating trusteeship as a necessary component of a liberal democratic state and for treating it skeptically in circumstances in which the trusteeship is not clearly linked to the political capabilities of the population in question.

Historically, the distinctive core of citizenship has been the possession of the formal status of membership of a political and legal entity and having particular sorts of rights and obligations within it. This core understanding of citizenship goes back to classical times and coalesced around two broad understandings of citizenship stemming from ancient Greece and Imperial Rome respectively that later evolved into what came to be termed the 'republican' and 'liberal' accounts of citizenship. This entry first examines these two classic views, then looks at how they changed during the Renaissance and Reformation, and finally turns to the ways the two were to some extent brought together following the American and French revolutions within the liberal-democratic nation state.

The Maastricht Treaty (the "Treaty") first introduced the status of EU citizenship. The twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty, marked in 2013, was declared the European Year of the Citizen. Union citizenship has been understood as the world's first post-national citizenship, although it is still complementary to national citizenships. EU citizens enjoy rights that have been expanded, modified, and reinterpreted in light of the EU integration process. The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has been a driving force in this process. This twentieth anniversary has provided the occasio for this special issue. Indeed, much has happened over the last two decades. The Maastricht Treaty entered into force on the heels of German reunification, and afterwards, a series of EU treaties followed: The Amsterdam Treaty, the Nice Charter of Fundamental Rights, the aborted constitutionalization process and the Rome Treaty in 2004, and the Treaty of Lisbon. The Euro took over former national currencies in 2002; the enlargement process led to today's twenty-eight Member States. But the ratio of this special issue is based on other events as linked to the 2008 financial crisis, bailouts, the fiscal compact, and similar measures. In a nutshell, the timeliness of this volume is linked to the current financial disarray. Since prognosis presupposes diagnosis, no further words are necessary as to the importance of this task. It is (almost) self-evident that before taking action and preparing for the future, one needs to address the very first question: Nosce te ipsum. ; Paper first presented at the conference European Citizenship: Twenty Years On http://europeancitizenship.se/

The importance of capital loss offset provisions in a world of risk is well documented in the tax literature. However, the potential deadweight losses owing to imperfect offset has not been fully explored. This paper develops a framework whereby that investigation can be carried out and utilizes numerical simulations to investigate the size of potential losses. Results show that when the government and private sector are equally efficient in handling market risk, welfare losses owing to the absence of offset provisions could be substantial. Under plausible assumptions about attitudes towards risk and time preference, and with a capital income tax rate of forty percent, over sixty cents per dollar of tax revenue raised would be dissipated. In contrast, full loss offset would reduce that loss to approximately fourteen cents.

This presentation gives a summary of the policy recommendations which were drafted in the framework of the ILEC project on loss of nationality (http://www.ilecproject.eu/). The recommendations pertain to the situation of 'quasi-loss', i.e. the situation in which a person who was assumed to possed a nationality, learns that he/she never has possessed that nationality. The recommendations were presented in a policy brief (available at www.ceps.eu/node/9871). They will be included in Guidelines.

Oil shale utilisation losses reach 70% in some cases. These are closely related to legislation, backfilling and waste rock usage. Much smaller sections include production of oil, electricity and chemicals in which most of the research and development is performed today. Current urgent topics for investigating, testing and developing of oil shale mining related questions are backfilling, mechanical extracting of shale, fine separation, selective separation and optimised drilling and blasting. Reducing oil shale losses will be more actual in the future, because the depth of mining increases and the taxes for resource and pollutants are increasing as well.

First Online: 13 September 2018 ; This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) ; I share Floris de Witte's concern about the attacks on the EU currently coming from the populist right, a challenge epitomized by, but unfortunately not restricted to, the Brexit campaign in the UK. However, I doubt that the best way to answer such misleading rhetoric is to make rhetorical counter-claims. Rather, it is to show that their views are largely without foundation and that far from undermining national citizenship, EU citizenship and free movement defend it in the context of the normative and empirical challenges of an inter-dependent world. States provide the infrastructure on which the rights of citizens depend, with democratic citizenship as the 'right of rights', since it enables citizens to shape that infrastructure in ways that allow them to claim their rights on equal terms to each other. However, as a matter of consistency, citizens have a duty to show the citizens of other states equal concern and respect not only as shapers of the rights within their own state, but also as possessing the right to freely move to other states, and so not be arbitrarily disadvantaged through being born in one state rather than another, so long as such movement allows both the home and the host states to continue to supply the rights of their citizens. I call this argument cosmopolitan statism. It indicates how one can support free movement rights while still holding to the very statist arguments de Witte seeks to challenge. It also offers a plausible characterisation of the nature and role of Union citizenship.

Author's Accepted Version of a paper accepted for presentation in the 21st International Symposium on High Voltage Engineering (ISH2019), Budapest, Hungary, August 26-30, 2019. ; The work reported here has received support from the EMPIR programme co-financed by the Participating States and from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme.

This paper describes the overdose situation of documentary production fostered by social networks and its impact on the traditional forms of storage and the contemporary memory culture. It situates the specificity of net art in its connection to dynamic and systemic environments of flow, over which there is no control, implying new conservation parameters and investigates the particular aesthetics. It problematizes the political in-stances that have turned the Internet into a surveillance environment, denying access to older sites and affecting the preservation of online art. In the end, it presents how we are working with Museum of Contempo-rary Art of the University of Sao Paulo (MAC-USP), in the development of a methodology to deal with net art pieces in the museological universe. The discussion is based on the case of The Book after the Book website (1999), which required a series of updates and reprogramming of codes in the process of migration to the museum collection. Based on this experi-ence, we suggest a reflection about net art museums as museums of the unfinished, unrepaired and unrecovered. This strategy may allow dealing with irreversible losses, without counting on the following process of dis-appearance of the artworks.

With the exception of economists, social scientists have a long and detailed history of analyzing the political and social implications of citizenship acquisition by immigrants. Economists, on the other hand, have occasionally entered the field in an ad hoc manner with limited speculations about the possible earnings or employment effects that may derive from immigrant citizenship ascension. This book goes one step further by providing an economic model to predict immigrant citizenship and its impact in the labour market and the public finance spheres in a comparative framework. Five countries – Canada, the United States, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Norway – with five different immigrant selection and citizenship-granting procedures are analyzed to test the robustness of the economic model. The results indicate that the immigrant selection process in turn influences a given country's citizenship-granting process and affects the size of the economic premium derived from citizenship. Thus, the authors conclude that the design of a country's immigration and citizenship policies influences the degree of economic integration of its potential citizens.

In 2004, the first citizenship ceremony was conducted in the London Borough of Brent. These compulsory ceremonies for those who have been granted British citizenship had been proposed in the government white paper and then in the 2002 Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act. They were designed to celebrate the moment of achieving citizenships and were one response to a perceived 'crisis of citizenship' in Britain. This study examines the texts of the 'local welcome' which is given by a local dignitary at every ceremony as a moment of invention of tradition and of narrating citizenship and thereby narrating the nation-state. The study explores how and what the speeches tell us about understandings of citizenship and its relationship to diversity. It explores how history is also represented within the speeches. Finally, the study interrogates the texts' telling of a multi-cultural story. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

During the past five years, the European Union has been trying to sponsor a coming of age of European Identity awareness across national borders. In doing so, EU administration intends to square the circle of European Union as the super nation-state of the nation states of Europe. However prompted or justified by the political or economic context, it is noteworthy to what extent the texts of European statutes and policies lack theoretical alternatives to the territorial and relatively homogeneous state. In order for it not to become a threat perceived by the population in identity terms, the apparently forthcoming idea of European citizenship needs to address the concerns of both traditional and new ethnonational minorities at the state level and underneath. In the light of a global context, the tide of Europeanization is but a particular case of the worldwide extended tension between the two increasing and opposing processes of globalization and particularization. Drawing on methodological and theoretical considerations I explore the conflictive and tangled hierarchies of identity and citizenship. Finally, in regard to the problem of how diverse cultures and identities could relate to the universal idea of democratic citizenship, a proposal that attempts to mediate multiculturalism and Eurocentrism will be drafted.

Corruption manifests itself in many ways and at different levels. Corrupt behavior causes outrage to victims and those who value civil society, it impedes good government and administrative practice. The policy challenge in reducing corruption is to identify the component parts of corrupt behavior and the risk-reward profiles of offenders. This exploratory article begins this process by reporting data from 100 successfully prosecuted cases from New York City. The article analyzes data on varying degrees of corruption in service provision in New York City. The loss to the city is much more a loss of governance capacity than it is a monetary loss.

Corruption manifests itself in many ways and at different levels. Corrupt behavior causes outrage to victims and those who value civil society, it impedes good government and administrative practice. The policy challenge in reducing corruption is to identify the component parts of corrupt behavior and the risk-reward profiles of offenders. This exploratory article begins this process by reporting data from 100 successfully prosecuted cases from New York City. The article analyzes data on varying degrees of corruption in service provision in New York City. The loss to the city is much more a loss of governance capacity than it is a monetary loss.

Spending almost US $700 billion to combat insurgents in Afghanistan, the U.S. population should be hopeful that they "bought" something of value as the Afghan War concludes. This exploratory study focuses on evaluating operations within Afghanistan by accounting for enemy and civilian losses. Integration of civilian losses offers an opportunity to evaluate operations that represent societal losses to the Afghan people. Regression estimates using zero-inflated negative-binomial models indicate that military operations resulted in more civilian casualties than enemy losses.