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"Civic Engagement" published on by Oxford University Press.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Chapter 1 -- Civic Engagement as a Component of Civic Wisdoms in Public Life -- Abstract -- I. An Introduction of Context -- II. Civic Engagement as a Driving Force of Civic Wisdom -- III. As a Closure: The Logic of Civic Engagement in the Process of Civic Wisdom -- References -- Chapter 2 -- Civic Engagement in Higher Education: A Case for Developing Campus-Community Partnerships -- Abstract -- Introduction -- Civic Engagement in Higher Education -- Best Practices in Developing Campus-Community Partnerships -- TCNJ and Millhill Partnership -- Critical Features of the Partnership -- Development of the Partnership -- Addressing Challenges in the Partnership -- Conclusion -- References -- Biographical Sketch -- Chapter 3 -- Civic Engagement and Higher Education: The 2014 Elections and the Political Behavior of Brazilians -- Abstract -- Introduction -- Political Behavior and Education -- Education and Other Variables -- Education and Socioeconomic Variables -- Education, Interest and Information -- Education, Participation in Elections and Other Political Activities7 -- Evaluation and Satisfaction with Democracy -- Conclusion -- References -- Appendix -- Biographical Sketches -- Chapter 4 -- Civic Engagement and Wellbeing in Singapore: The Impact of Generalized Trust, Personal Values, and Religiosity -- Abstract -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Research Context -- 2. Theoretical Overview -- 2.1. Civic Engagement -- 2.2. Factors Affecting Civic Engagement -- 2.2.1. Personal Values -- 2.2.2. Generalized Trust -- 2.2.3. Religiosity -- 2.3. Civic Engagement and Wellbeing -- 3. Research Methodology -- 3.1. Data -- 3.2. Measures -- 3.2.1. Civic Engagement -- 3.2.2. Personal Values -- 3.2.3. Generalized Trust -- 3.2.4. Religiosity -- 3.2.5. Happiness -- 3.2.6. Life Satisfaction -- 3.2.7. Demographics -- 4. Results

"Civic engagement in this book is understood to include attendance at booked National Health Service appointments; compulsory attendance at school; the take-up of a variety of State benefits in cash and kind, such as Pension Credit and free school meals; and attendance at work. This book is the outcome of a collaborative exercise, in which specialists in a variety of disciplines have come together to better understand the state of civic engagement in the fields of health, education, social security, and employment. Their research is drawn primarily from the British experience, but the phenomena studied are international in scope. Generally, civic engagement has been improving, but in certain areas there are serious gaps that still need addressing. Administrative arrangements are shown to reduce absence for booked appointments, without necessarily making referred patients more or less likely to attend. A variety of measures are suggested for truancy, and the take-up of social security benefits faces a number of issues. Work absence attributed to sickness is at least partly viewed as a psychosocial problem. Economic analysis shows the importance of incentives, and the potential cost of changing from selective to the universal provision of free school meals. Taken together, the sociological analysis in the book highlights the fragmentation of society and its consequences for civic engagement. This book was originally published as a special issue of Contemporary Social Science." --

Mediennutzung. Bürgerliches Engagement.

The spring, 2006 wave of immigrant rights mobilizations represents a watershed in the history of civic engagement in the US. Never before had so many foreign born literally "come out" for the right to be included in the US. Indeed, in many cities, never before had so many taken to the streets for any cause. Practitioners involved in the policy debate, scholars who measure immigrant political opinion, as well as migrant leaders themselves were all caught off guard. This raises questions about the social foundations of the marches – what kinds of social and civic practices, networks and organizations made them possible? To provide at least part of the answer, this chapter introduces the concepts of "civic binationality" and "migrant civil society," which provide frameworks for understanding the already-existing patterns of migrant organization that came together at this unusual historical turning point. "Civic binationality" refers to practices that are engaged both with US civic life and with migrants' communities and countries of origin. The related concept of "migrant civil society" refers to migrant-led membership organizations and public institutions (which may not be engaged with communities of origin). The goal of this latter concept is to underscore the significance of migrant capacity for self-representation. The recognition of practices of migrant civic binationality, grounded in an emerging migrant civil society, helps us to understand the patterns of civic engagement and repertoires of action that inform migrant participation in US society. The point of departure here is that, at least for many adult migrants, their initiation into civic life either takes place in their country of origin, or is oriented toward their country of origin. As many analysts of civic engagement have long noted, the best predictor of civic involvement of any kind is past involvement –even if in a completely different arena. 1Apparently, some people are more likely to be joiners than others – across cultures. From this perspective, the kind of civic engagement witnessed on a mass scale in the spring of 2006 was in part grounded in longstanding, often low profile practices of migrant civic binationality. At the same time, the 2006 marches constitute a powerful indicator that millions of immigrants have also been fully transplanted into the US public sphere, followed by subsequent increases in naturalization and voter turnout among "new Americans"in 2008.

What is the civic relevance of the academic study of religion, considered on its own terms and in its increased diversity? The contributors to the present volume explore this question by focusing on four core capacities: intellectual complexity (C), social location (L), empathetic accountability (E), and motivated action (A)-the CLEA model

This paper estimates the effect of voting eligibility on civic engagement measured along three dimensions: political motivation, political activities, and political knowledge. These outcomes originate in the AmericasBarometer 2004-2016 surveys of eligible voters. To identify the effects the paper exploits variation in field survey dates relative to election dates, given country-specific voting age laws. It is found that voter enfranchisement increases self-reported interest in politics, political socialization, and attendance of political meetings; however, consumption of political news is not statistically different between eligible and non-eligible citizens. Some evidence indicates that the political activities voters engage in translate into increased political knowledge, in contrast with the view that voters are rationally ignorant. The effects are larger in countries with enforced mandatory voting.

This essay analyzes and syntheses key theories and concepts on neighborhood change from the literature on anchor institutions, university engagement, gentrification, neighborhood effects, Cold War, Black liberation studies, urban political economy, and city building. To deepen understanding of the Columbia University experience, we complemented the literature analysis with an examination of the New York Times and Amsterdam newspapers from 1950 to 1970. The study argues that higher education&rsquo ; s approach to neighborhood revitalization during the urban renewal age, as well as in the post-1990 period, produced undesirable results and failed to spawn either social transformation or build the neighborly community espoused by Lee Benson and Ira Harkavy. The essay explains the reasons why and concludes with a section on a more robust strategy higher education can pursue in the quest to bring about desirable change in the university neighborhood.

AbstractCommonly known as "civic engagement," getting involved within communities in a formalized way has served a foundational role in the development of the United States. Missing from foundational conceptualizations of analyses is theoretical and empirical research that does not center White people and experiences. In this article, I argue that researchers need to incorporate an understanding of Black American's relationship with civic engagement to increase the accuracy of literature on civic engagement. Toward this goal, I first outline the foundational conceptualizations of civic engagement. I next discuss the limitations of civic engagement theories with a focus on data sources and the exclusion of non‐White persons within foundational texts. I then highlight the historical civic activities of Black Americans that has been foregrounded in research on Black voluntary associations. This project pushes for a discussion on the relationship between civic engagement and race with a focus on Black Americans that is relevant to sociological understandings of civil society. I conclude by discussing how filling this gap has a far‐reaching impact in the field of collective behavior and social movements.

AbstractThis article was adapted from "Pursuing Democracy's Promise: Newcomers' Civic Participation in America" a report published by Grantmakers Concerned with Immigrants and Refugees in collaboration with the Funders' Committee for Civic Participation, © 2004.

There are approximately 800,000 501(c)(3) nonprofits large enough to register with the federal government. Add churches, foundations, and nonprofits too small to register, and the number is far higher than that. The potential for nonprofits to engage their clients and members in community affairs and public policy making is, in theory, enormous. Yet, perversely, nonprofits are regulated by the federal government in such a way that discourages the involvement of their followers in the public policymaking process. This is a problem, not simply because we social scientists believe civic engagement is a good thing, but because these regulatory standards sharply skew public participation. Although middle‐ and upper‐class individuals have many organizations that engage and mobilize them, nonprofits usually are the only organizations that work on behalf of the poor, those without health insurance, immigrants, the disabled, and most other marginalized constituencies. Put bluntly, federal law works against the participation of the most disadvantaged in society.