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Une profonde transformation politique et sociale a touché l'Italie au cours des vingt dernières années. Ce changement ne pouvait qu'impliquer le monde associatif, la partie la plus active et sensible de la société civile. Engagés dans de multiples activités, les réseaux associatifs favorisent la propagation de la culture démocratique et de la solidarité sociale en renforçant les liens entre les personnes et l'efficacité des politiques publiques. Jusqu'aux années 1990, leur action a été étroitement liée à celle des autres acteurs politiques, en premier lieu les partis. L'effondrement de ces derniers aurait dû également entraîner les associations. Au contraire, la sphère politique a considéré la société civile comme une ressource, voir même comme la principale ressource pour la refondation et l'innovation de la politique. Militants, dirigeants et cadres associatifs ont été cooptés dans la sphère politique; le monde associatif a été mis au centre du débat public. Dans un tout nouveau contexte, les responsabilités des associations ont augmenté, les poussant à aller au-delà de leur rôle traditionnel d'« école de la démocratie » pour suppléer, différemment, à certaines des tâches traditionnellement dévolues aux partis politiques et aux institutions publiques. Ce livre, résultat d'un travail collectif, reconstitue l'histoire de la participation des associations en Italie, de Tangentopoli à maintenant, s'intéressant plus particulièrement à la Lombardie, une zone très riche en réseaux associatifs. L'approche sociologique nous plonge dans les pensées et les comportements des citoyens engagés dans les groupes, les comités, les clubs, les centres communautaires, les syndicats, les mouvements et associations. Une attention particulière est accordée à l'inégalité des sexes, à la dimension religieuse et aux rapports des volontaires à la culture politique de la gauche. Les entretiens, sondages et observations recueillies au cours des deux décennies sont utilisés pour décrire le profil, les différences et les transformations des ...

Une profonde transformation politique et sociale a touché l'Italie au cours des vingt dernières années. Ce changement ne pouvait qu'impliquer le monde associatif, la partie la plus active et sensible de la société civile. Engagés dans de multiples activités, les réseaux associatifs favorisent la propagation de la culture démocratique et de la solidarité sociale en renforçant les liens entre les personnes et l'efficacité des politiques publiques. Jusqu'aux années 1990, leur action a été étroitement liée à celle des autres acteurs politiques, en premier lieu les partis. L'effondrement de ces derniers aurait dû également entraîner les associations. Au contraire, la sphère politique a considéré la société civile comme une ressource, voir même comme la principale ressource pour la refondation et l'innovation de la politique. Militants, dirigeants et cadres associatifs ont été cooptés dans la sphère politique; le monde associatif a été mis au centre du débat public. Dans un tout nouveau contexte, les responsabilités des associations ont augmenté, les poussant à aller au-delà de leur rôle traditionnel d'« école de la démocratie » pour suppléer, différemment, à certaines des tâches traditionnellement dévolues aux partis politiques et aux institutions publiques. Ce livre, résultat d'un travail collectif, reconstitue l'histoire de la participation des associations en Italie, de Tangentopoli à maintenant, s'intéressant plus particulièrement à la Lombardie, une zone très riche en réseaux associatifs. L'approche sociologique nous plonge dans les pensées et les comportements des citoyens engagés dans les groupes, les comités, les clubs, les centres communautaires, les syndicats, les mouvements et associations. Une attention particulière est accordée à l'inégalité des sexes, à la dimension religieuse et aux rapports des volontaires à la culture politique de la gauche. Les entretiens, sondages et observations recueillies au cours des deux décennies sont utilisés pour décrire le profil, les différences et les transformations des ...

L'obiettivo principale della diplomazia culturale è quello di sfruttare degli elementi culturali propri per indurre gli stranieri ad avere una visione positiva delle persone, della cultura e delle politiche del paese; promuovere una maggiore cooperazione tra due nazioni; indurre il cambiamento delle politiche o dell'ambiente politico nella nazione target; e, infine, prevenire, gestire e mitigare i conflitti con la nazione target. Questi sono alcuni esempi fondamentali relativi alla crescente promozione da parte dei paesi delle loro relazioni attraverso la diplomazia culturale. Il presente articolo vuole dimostrare, attraverso un caso di studio attuale e particolare, come gli attori della società civile iraniana – intellettuali, attivisti, studiosi, studenti, donne e giovani – possano esprimere e creare uno spazio per la strutturazione di elementi ad essa necessari, nonché contribuire allo sviluppo delle relazioni diplomatiche, nel caso specifico dei legami culturali tra l'Iran ed altri paesi.

This work asks questions on the relationship between innovative collective actors, such as the 'new social movements' and the political institutions of representative democracy starting from an underlying hypothesis: the idea that civil society is the main source of political legitimation of liberal democracy. More precisely, what this monograph reflects on is the capacity of the social movements to concretely test alternative forms of democracy. The aim of the contemporary movements is to augment the fundamental values of the "democratic revolution", namely the principles of freedom and equality. They constantly lead to conflict and social antagonism: indeed new conflicts and new antagonisms arise every time that the movements implement radical experiences of democracy in the multiple and different spheres of social life. Only by accepting and setting value by these alternative democratic practices and experiences – and this is the author of this work's thesis – may democratic ideals be revived in contemporary society.

La società civile "sale in politica". La comunicazione politica nelle elezioni politiche 2013 ha visto un forte riferimento alla partecipazione civica nelle liste elettorali ma, più che in passato, le organizzazioni non profit e i movimenti sociali sono intervenuti durante la campagna per reclamare attenzione per temi e argomenti o per chiedere impegni ai candidati. L'articolo analizza trenta iniziative pubbliche – tutte caratterizzate da una forte e quasi esclusiva presenza sul web e sui social media – con l'obiettivo di verificare la capacità di queste organizzazioni di progettare o realizzare un'attività di campaign o lobbying, ma soprattutto di verificare la possibili-tà di intervenire nella scena pubblica, di prendere parola, di far ascoltare la propria voice. I risultati, attraverso l'analisi degli strumenti utilizzati e della presenza di queste realtà sui news media, se da un lato confermano la crescente competenza manageriale delle organizzazioni non profit nel costruire iniziative di advocacy e comunicazione, confermano anche la sostanziale negazione dello spazio di agenda a queste iniziative.Throughout the 2013 political elections, political communication has seen a great increase in referring to the civic engagement to electoral lists; more than ever, non profit organizations and social movements have claimed attention on specific issues and asked the candidates their commitment. This article analyses thirty public initiatives – all marked by a strong and almost exclusive presence on the web and social media – with the aim of verifying the capacity of such organizations to plan or realize campaigning or lobbying actions; more specifically, the goal is to verify their chances of intervention on the public scene, of speech, of having their voice listened to. The results, obtained through the analysis of tools used and of the presence of these actors on news media, on the one hand confirm the growing managing capacity of non profit organizations in advocacy and communication initiatives, but on the other attest also the substantial agenda denial to such initiatives.

L'estate 2015 è stata testimone di due movimenti di grande ampiezza a Bagdad come a Beirut, causati dalle interruzioni di elettricità e dalla non-raccolta della spazzatura, mentre il termometro segnava quasi 50°. Questi movimenti orizzontali, senza l'inquadramento di un partito politico, hanno espresso tutte le rivendicazioni accumulate dalla popolazione contro la corruzione endemica, il disfunzionamento dello Stato e la paralisi delle istituzioni politiche. In Irak come in Libano, il responsabile è stato chiaramente designato : il confessionalismo. In Irak come in Libano, il movimento, per quanto potesse essere di massa, si è finalmente esaurito, per mancanza di interlocutore : a Bagdad come a Beyrouth, in effetti, lo Stato era assente! ; Causés par les coupures d'électricité et le non-ramassage des ordures, alors que le thermomètre avoisinait les 50C°, l'été 2015 a été témoin de deux mouvements de grande ampleur à Bagdad comme à Beyrouth. Ces mouvements horizontaux, sans encadrement par un parti politique, ont exprimé toutes les revendications accumulées par la population contre la corruption endémique, le dysfonctionnement de l'État et la paralysie des institutions politiques. En Irak comme au Liban, le responsable a été clairement désigné: le confessionnalisme. En Irak comme au Liban, le mouvement, aussi massif qu'il ait pu être, s'est finalement épuisé faute d'interlocuteur: à Bagdad comme à Beyrouth, en effet, l'État était aux abonnés absents! ; Because of the permanent power cuts and the garbage non-collection at a time when temperature was near 50C°, 2015 summer witnessed two major movements in Bagdad as in Beirut. These horizontal movements, without any political party supervision, expressed all the claims the population has accumulated against the endemic corruption, the failure of the state and the collapse of the public institutions and services. In both Iraq and Lebanon, the target was clearly the same: sectarianism is the main responsible for the disaster. In both Iraq and Lebanon, the movement, massive though it was, has finally died down because of the absence of valid representative in a negotiating capacity: in Bagdad as in Beirut, actually, the State was absent!

A new era of multiparty politics in Kenya began in December 1991, when President Daniel Arap Moi repealed the constitutional clause that enshrined the Kenya African National Union (KANU) as the sole political party. Despite widespread unpopularity, Moi won the presidential elections and his party secured a majority in parliament in the following two general elections, held in December 1992 and December 1997. This doctoral thesis is structured in five parts. The first part takes a historical perspective of African's Civil Movements and seeks to put into context of African's State. The second part takes a historical reconstruction of Kenya's Political Transiction. The third part traces and analyses the rule of Civil Association and particulary and examines and analyses NCEC's activities in its quest for constitutional reforms. The fourth part examines as aid donors played a central part not only in initially advancing the cause of multipartyism. The last part analyses the political role of NGOs.

In the wide debate about the crisis of the welfare systems in Europe, the very role of the State has been challenged. The subsidiarity approach, in particular, has developed a very articulated theoretical discourse, showing the necessity to reform the social order in line with the principle of subsidiarity. The principle prescribes that the State needs to play a role of guarantee of the common good, while the provision of services has to be devolved to lower-level providers, with a public or a private status. This implies that the activation of private actors becomes a condition for the achievement of the common good. The research question guiding our analysis refers to how the State can act as the guardian of the common interest while its achievement is left to the mobilization of individuals and groups. After a presentation of the subsidiarity approach, and of its contribution to the debate on the redefinition of the role of the State, the analysis focuses on the Lombardy case as a model of "subsidiarity governance". We concentrate on the solutions identified by the regional government in order to promote the activation of people and civil society. In particular, we focus on the implementation of two policies presented by the regional government as "subsidiarity inspired": a school voucher scheme, introduced in 2000, targeted at families choosing private schools (Buono scuola) and a policy of promotion of family associations introduced in 1999. The analysis aims at evaluating the success of these policies in promoting subsidiarity-inspired choices, in order to assess how top-down interventions by the State can have an impact in stimulating bottom-up mobilization by the civil society.

Il Bilancio Partecipativo (BP) è probabilmente l'esempio più famoso ed interessante di governance locale per i suoi effetti democratici e redistributivi. Per via del coinvolgimento diretto dei cittadini nel processo decisionale, il BP è considerato una forma di democrazia diretta capace di ovviare agli attuali limiti della democrazia rappresentativa moderna. Tuttavia, ad un'attenta analisi, è possibile identificare nel suo funzionamento anche degli elementi rappresentativi che non sono mai stati presi molto in seria considerazione. Infatti, poiché la partecipazione avviene solitamente attraverso gruppi ed associazioni, nuove forme di rappresentanza e nuovi rappresentanti emergono in competizione con quelli tradizionali politici in termini di consenso, sostegno popolare e dunque legittimità. Il presente lavoro vuole andare oltre il pensiero corrente e proporre un'interpretazione originale del modello istituzionale del BP come una forma nuova ed alternativa di democrazia rappresentativa, in cui le organizzazioni della società civile assumono un ruolo centrale: dietro al BP vi sarebbe una sorta di democrazia 'civile'. Questo punto di vista alternativo non solo può stimolare un ulteriore dibattito in letteratura, ma aprire anche degli scenari interessanti in relazione ai temi più generali della crisi delle istituzioni liberal-democratiche e del ruolo e dell'identità della società civile. ; Participatory Budgeting (PB) is probably the most famous and interesting example of innovative local governance for its redistributive and democratic effects. Due to the direct involvement of citizens in the decision-making process, PB is celebrated as an example of direct democracy which can help to deal with the limits of representative democracy. However, on closer analysis, it is possible to identify elements of representation in its functioning, which are taken into little consideration and which could probably modify the prevalent theoretical belief. In fact, as citizens usually participate through their groups and associations, new representatives emerge challenging the traditional channels of political representation in terms of popular approval, consensus, hence legitimacy. This work aims to go beyond the prevailing narrative and propose an original interpretation of the PB's institutional model as a new and alternative representative democracy, where the main political actors become organizations from the civil society: behind PB there seems to lie a sort of 'civil' democracy. Hence, introducing this alternative viewpoint can, not only further questions which are never fully considered in the literature, but also open interesting scenarios in the debate over the crisis of liberal-democratic institutions and the role and the identity of civil society.

Questo articolo analizza le prospettive della Convenzione delle Nazioni Unite contro il crimine organizzato transnazionale dopo l'istituzione nel 2018 di un meccanismo di riesame preposto al suo monitoraggio. La tesi qui sostenuta è che il Review Mechanism, nonostante i suoi limiti strutturali, potrebbe potenzialmente contribuire a comprendere il funzionamento della Convenzione di Palermo sul piano pratico e rafforzare il ruolo della società civile nel contrasto del crimine organizzato transnazionale. ; This article examines the perspectives of the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime after the creation of its Review Mechanism in 2018. This essay seeks to demonstrate that despite its structural flaws this treaty monitoring body could potentially contribute to understand the functioning of the Palermo Convention in practice, and to strengthen the role of civil society in the fight against transnational organized crime.