Suchergebnisse

Il Bilancio Partecipativo (BP) è probabilmente l'esempio più famoso ed interessante di governance locale per i suoi effetti democratici e redistributivi. Per via del coinvolgimento diretto dei cittadini nel processo decisionale, il BP è considerato una forma di democrazia diretta capace di ovviare agli attuali limiti della democrazia rappresentativa moderna. Tuttavia, ad un'attenta analisi, è possibile identificare nel suo funzionamento anche degli elementi rappresentativi che non sono mai stati presi molto in seria considerazione. Infatti, poiché la partecipazione avviene solitamente attraverso gruppi ed associazioni, nuove forme di rappresentanza e nuovi rappresentanti emergono in competizione con quelli tradizionali politici in termini di consenso, sostegno popolare e dunque legittimità. Il presente lavoro vuole andare oltre il pensiero corrente e proporre un'interpretazione originale del modello istituzionale del BP come una forma nuova ed alternativa di democrazia rappresentativa, in cui le organizzazioni della società civile assumono un ruolo centrale: dietro al BP vi sarebbe una sorta di democrazia 'civile'. Questo punto di vista alternativo non solo può stimolare un ulteriore dibattito in letteratura, ma aprire anche degli scenari interessanti in relazione ai temi più generali della crisi delle istituzioni liberal-democratiche e del ruolo e dell'identità della società civile. ; Participatory Budgeting (PB) is probably the most famous and interesting example of innovative local governance for its redistributive and democratic effects. Due to the direct involvement of citizens in the decision-making process, PB is celebrated as an example of direct democracy which can help to deal with the limits of representative democracy. However, on closer analysis, it is possible to identify elements of representation in its functioning, which are taken into little consideration and which could probably modify the prevalent theoretical belief. In fact, as citizens usually participate through their groups and associations, new representatives emerge challenging the traditional channels of political representation in terms of popular approval, consensus, hence legitimacy. This work aims to go beyond the prevailing narrative and propose an original interpretation of the PB's institutional model as a new and alternative representative democracy, where the main political actors become organizations from the civil society: behind PB there seems to lie a sort of 'civil' democracy. Hence, introducing this alternative viewpoint can, not only further questions which are never fully considered in the literature, but also open interesting scenarios in the debate over the crisis of liberal-democratic institutions and the role and the identity of civil society.

Questo articolo analizza le prospettive della Convenzione delle Nazioni Unite contro il crimine organizzato transnazionale dopo l'istituzione nel 2018 di un meccanismo di riesame preposto al suo monitoraggio. La tesi qui sostenuta è che il Review Mechanism, nonostante i suoi limiti strutturali, potrebbe potenzialmente contribuire a comprendere il funzionamento della Convenzione di Palermo sul piano pratico e rafforzare il ruolo della società civile nel contrasto del crimine organizzato transnazionale. ; This article examines the perspectives of the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime after the creation of its Review Mechanism in 2018. This essay seeks to demonstrate that despite its structural flaws this treaty monitoring body could potentially contribute to understand the functioning of the Palermo Convention in practice, and to strengthen the role of civil society in the fight against transnational organized crime.

European integration (as well as other instances of the shifting of power from the nation-state to supranational levels) has raised hopes & concerns for its effect on power distribution among different actors, in particular, on the presence & role of the civil society. Focusing on the Europeanization of political mobilization & communication, this article addresses the specific problem of the formation of supranational public spheres. Looking in particular at the Italian mass media, on the basis of a systematic coverage of four daily newspapers, 1990-2002, & semi-structured interviews, the authors argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public sphere are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence of not only purely European actors, but also European targets & frames. Comparing the presence of institutional & non-institutional actors, Europeanization appears to have been in the public sphere traditionally a "top-down" process: in fact, the more Europeanized a policy, an actor, a target or an issue scope is, the less civil society actors seem to have access to the public sphere. However, some changes across time emerge, with the development of (contentious) forms of "Europeanization from below.". 5 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 62 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper proposes to think the category of religious pluralism as an essential mindset of contemporary society. Religions, even today, go to war; sometimes it happens that a religious representation turns its prophetic vision in an extremist perspective to be applied against a perceived enemy. Often conflicts, never dormant, come back on presenting a new look and the cause is not a difference of belief or doctrine; as evidenced by Enzo Pace (2004), conflicts become an important symbolic device in identity politics. However, it is the duty of civil perspective reasoning on a proactive and inclusive perspective for the construction of the common good and the compresence of religious cultures.

This thesis analyzes the modern Turkish state and Turkish civil society through a perspective influenced by the approaches of Marx and Gramsci. First of all, the work focuses on Turkish debate around the concept of civil society which has been dominated by liberal views. However, recently, critical investigations following Marx and Gramsci's outlook, have started challenging the dominant perspective of the debate. Starting from this view, the research analyzes the relations between state and civil society adherents to Kemalist ideology during the 40s through the reading of a Turkish periodical, Kadın Gazetesi. According to the above mentioned approach, Turkey can be studied as a political entity built to create a citizenry able to accept the authority as natural. The alliance between native bourgeoisie and bureaucratic class led the country towards a definition of the Republic. However, during wartime, capital accumulation became an important element in breaking the historical coalition. As bureaucracy was not able to save the old alliance, the bourgeoisie, aware of its increasingly role, no longer wished to compromise.