Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes the state policy of Ukraine on regulation of social and religious relations. Determined that the church-state relationship is institutional relationships that are primarily social and political in nature. They have their context every historical day. The history of relations between the state and the Church reaches of the Roman Empire. Separation of church and state began in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance with the development of civil societies started entry processes of secularization and secular features of social life. The theocracy; tsezaropapizm; state church; intermediate state of separation of church and state; policy of nationalization of religion and the Church are determined among the newest models of the relationship of church and state. Grounded four main types (concepts) of public policy for the regulation of relations between church and state: politics nationalization of religion and the Church; leftist-anarchist views and actions; policy of conciliation in religious matters; policy of tolerance. It is noted that the definition of a national model for each country is the individual case, which is affected by many factors external and internal influences, namely: legal principles, the views of secular and ecclesiastical authority, tradition, spiritual and moral state of society and so on. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу державної політики України щодо регулювання суспільно-релігійних відносин. Визначається, що державно-церковні відносини є між інституціональними відносинами, які переважно носять соціально-політичний характер та в кожну історичну добу мають свій контекст. Історія взаємин між державою і Церквою сягає доби Римської імперії. Відокремлення держави і церкви розпочалося в добу середньовіччя, а в епоху Відродження із становленням громадянських суспільств розпочалися процеси секуляризації і набуття світських рис суспільного життя. Серед новітніх моделей взаємин держави і церкви визначають теократію; цезаропапізм; державна Церква; проміжний стан відокремлення Церкви і держави. політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви. Обґрунтовуються чотири основні види (концепції) державної політики щодо регулювання взаємин держави і Церкви: політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви; лівацько-анархічні погляди та дії; політика примиренства в релігійному питанні; політика толерантності.Зазначено, що визначення національної моделі для кожної окремої країни є індивідуальною справою, на яку впливає чимало чинників зовнішнього та внутрішнього впливу, а саме: правові устої, погляди світської та церковної влади, традиції, духовний та моральний стан суспільства тощо. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу державної політики України щодо регулювання суспільно-релігійних відносин. Визначається, що державно-церковні відносини є між інституціональними відносинами, які переважно носять соціально-політичний характер та в кожну історичну добу мають свій контекст. Історія взаємин між державою і Церквою сягає доби Римської імперії. Відокремлення держави і церкви розпочалося в добу середньовіччя, а в епоху Відродження із становленням громадянських суспільств розпочалися процеси секуляризації і набуття світських рис суспільного життя. Серед новітніх моделей взаємин держави і церкви визначають теократію; цезаропапізм; державна Церква; проміжний стан відокремлення Церкви і держави. політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви. Обґрунтовуються чотири основні види (концепції) державної політики щодо регулювання взаємин держави і Церкви: політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви; лівацько-анархічні погляди та дії; політика примиренства в релігійному питанні; політика толерантності.Зазначено, що визначення національної моделі для кожної окремої країни є індивідуальною справою, на яку впливає чимало чинників зовнішнього та внутрішнього впливу, а саме: правові устої, погляди світської та церковної влади, традиції, духовний та моральний стан суспільства тощо.

The results of the survey point to a high level of agreement among youth aged
between 15 and 25 years of age, high school and college students, employed
and unemployed youth, men and women in the cities of Pec, Pristina, Prizren
in Kosovo, and Bor, Kikinda, and Nis in Serbia, on whether the question of
mutual cooperation is burdened by prejudice and events from the past, and
that the possibility and the quality of cooperation is influenced by the
attitudes the receive in their primary social groups such as families and
peers, and also by the attitudes they receive through education and media. At
the same time, the possibilities to influence the social and political change
aren?t big, and the youth have no desire to take the concrete civic or
political initiatives. A certain perspective in cooperation the youth see in
the European constellation and the good quality education. However, youth on
both sides are not open to more intensive mutual meetings - the majority
would not either host peers from the other communities gladly, nor they would
respond to their invitation of hosting. They are not interested in cultural
values of one another, but they do think respect of human rights should be
guaranteed and they are ready for toleration of differences. The necessity of
youth cooperation is important for overcoming the problems that citizens of
Kosovo and Serbia are facing when it comes to exercising numerous rights,
which from the perspective of individual freedoms collide with the concept of
state reasons and "higher" interests. The regional stability depends on
overcoming the issues that governments in Serbia and Kosovo have concerning
Kosovo?s status, and also from setting a network of individual and group
relations among the citizens. Youth should be the carriers of social and
cultural changes. In the stated attitudes there is no direct objection to
such processes, but fear of changes is clearly expressed because indirectly
it can be concluded that there is no mutual "collective" trust, that the
prejudice are strong, and that the existing educational, cultural and media
systems are supporting them. Having determined a high level of mutual
non-acceptance of youth and their approximately same attitudes on the
impossibility to influence the decision making more strongly in their family,
social, and political communities, but also their personal ambivalence toward
civic and political activism, let us try to, solely based on their
statements, decide on the basis of designing the programs necessary for
overcoming the present state. One of the main initiators of the social change
are the content citizens, which means a personal and social economic
stability, acquiring human and civil rights, efficient protection by the
courts, receiving good services from the public service, responsible civic
society - a rule of law and a state of law. Much of the above listed in the
region, and especially in the territories, in which the survey was conducted,
is missing. To effectively and efficiently influence the stream of social and
political flows toward the mentioned goals, young people should acquire a
certain vertical social mobility and to influence the changes based on the
positions they acquire in it. The key question is based on which values
should their social and professional mobility be influenced.

Die Debatten und die sozialen Bewegungen zu Commons spielen im Spannungsfeld der Abwehr aktueller Enteignungen und der Entwicklung neuer Perspektiven. Den Commons wohnt eine ihnen eigene Kraft neben Markt und Staat und eine eigene Transformationskraft hin zu mehr Nachhaltigkeit inne. Sie stellen als Abwehr ein kritisches Korrektiv vorherrschender neoliberaler ökonomischer Rationalität und Praxen dar. Sie weisen als neuer Referenzrahmen auf zukünftige Wege jenseits von Staat und Markt hin. Sicher stellen sie nicht die eine einzige große Lösung dar. Eine mit Commons verbundene zentrale Herausforderung liegt jedoch darin, dass sie auf das verweisen, was dem Begriff Transformation innewohnt: Eine Umformung moderner Gesellschaften, die ihren Kern - ihre Gestalt und ihre Struktur - betrifft. Bis heute werden bürgerliche Gesellschaften zentral durch ihre Eigentumsverfassung bestimmt. Doch bis morgen und im Kontext der großen Transformation müsste eben diese Eigentumsverfassung neu geschrieben werden. Nicht in dem Sinne, dass nun alles Gemeineigentum ist und dass mit dieser Eigentumsform alle Probleme gelöst werden könnten. Sondern in dem Sinne, dass Eigentumsbildung anhand nachhaltiger Kriterien und vielfältig erfolgt. Doch kommt mit alten und neuen Ideen von Gemeinschaft und Gemeinbesitz und kommt mit den Commons nicht automatisch das Gute und Richtige in die Welt. Vielmehr bleibt zu fragen, welche Bedingungen und Regeln, welche Möglichkeitsräume und Rechte erforderlich sind, damit Commons ihr demokratisches Nachhaltigkeits-Potenzial entfalten können. Eine zentrale Bedingung hierfür ist, das Wachstums- und Schrumpfungsverhältnis von privatem und öffentlichem Raum umzukehren. Commons bedürfen einer starken demokratischen Öffentlichkeit und eines qualitativ hochwertigen öffentlichen Raumes. Das Paper stellt zunächst die unterschiedlichen Commonsbegriffe vor und zeigt die den Debatten innewohnenden politischen Rationalitätsmuster auf. Weiter wird von der Ideengeschichte vorherrschender politischer und ökonomischer Logiken erzählt und dargelegt, weshalb und inwiefern diese Logiken Commons zerstören. Die Ambivalenz öffentlichen und privaten Eigentums wird am Beispiel Wald aufgezeigt. Schließlich werden Theorie und Praxis von Commons, Commoning und Commoners skizziert. ; Debates about commons and their social movements take place between the conflicting priorities of resistance of current dispossession and the development of new perspectives. Commons have their own power besides the market (sector) and the government and an own driving force of transformation towards more sustainability. As resistance factor they represent a critical corrective of predominant, neoliberal-economical rationality and practices and are a new frame of reference featuring future developments beyond the government and the market (sector). Surely they do not illustrate the one and only solution. A central challenge related to commons' is that it refers to what is meant by the term transformation: A remodelling of recent societies that affects their core, shape and structure. By today, civil societies are centrally shaped by their property constitutions. But until tomorrow and in the context of a great transformation, the constitution of property needs to be rewritten. Not in the sense that from now on everything belongs to public property and that this form of property is able to solve all problems, but in the sense that the acquisition of property takes place diversely and by following sustainable criteria. As a matter of fact, even with old and new ideas of society and public property and by means of commons, things in our world will not automatically become good and right. Instead it has to be asked what kinds of conditions and policies, which windows of opportunities and which rights are necessary to ensure that commons are able to develop a democratic sustainability potential. A crucial condition here is to turn around the relation of growth and negative growth of private and public space. Commons require a strong democratic public and a qualitatively valuable public space. This paper firstly introduces the different terms of commons and indicates the immanent political rationality patterns of the debates. Furthermore the intellectual history of predominantly political and economical logics is told and it is presented why and how these logics destroy commons. Ambivalence of public and private property is demonstrated using forests as an example. Finally the theory and practice of commons, communing and commoners is outlined.

Fordism-Keynesianism gradually transited to neoliberalism during 1970s economic recession in capitalist society, shifting urban governance from managerialism to entrepreneurialism. At the same time, China's 1978 political-economic reform has led to a rapid development and a profound urban transformation characterized by globalization, neo-liberal decentralization and marketization over the past thirty years. To sustain the development and further promote the transformation, mega-events as one of those entrepreneurial policy programs are increasingly favored and widely used by city policy makers. Adopting urban entrepreneurialism as the theoretical perspective, this research explores mega-events, aiming to resolve two debates concerning urban entrepreneurialism and mega-events in the context of China: whether mega-events are effective and sustainable ways for China's urban development in entrepreneurial city discourses and whether Chinese cities and their local states are entrepreneurial in nature in mega-events? It then takes Shanghai Expo 2010 as the case, focusing on how the Expo as entrepreneurial city action impacts on Shanghai's urban transformation and how different stakeholders behave in the Expo development. Analysis of the case provides some findings resolving the debates. First, through landscape reconfiguration, spatial restructuring and new sources provision, Expo 2010 effectively transforms Shanghai city within a short time, showing entrepreneurial city qualities in diminutive spatial scale. However, it fails to improve social life except those who under high media exposure and is powerless to impress the world as China has little voice in the Western mainstream media. Moreover, while Expo 2010 generally benefits sustainable development by using energy saving technologies in Expo Park, by creating "Shanghai Mode" rehabilitation for affected communities and by preserving industrial and cultural heritage for future creative industry development, it still negatively impacts general urban living and causes exorbitant investment. Then, entrepreneurial governance is manifested in Expo operation as municipal government unites various stakeholders to ensure the smooth progress of the event, a process explicable by both urban regime and growth machine models. The private sectors are encouraged by municipal government to join Expo market as sponsors or developers and are mobilized interests triggered by Expo opportunities. Civil communities play auxiliary roles that must be united by government to achieve long-term growth. Urban planners are important inter-mediators among stakeholders in Expo, serving municipal government for urban growth. Although "Local Developmental State" model exhibits at municipal level as "development" represents the primary legitimizing principle of the state above those of individuals and the plan-rationality suppresses the market rationality, the "Entrepreneurial State" model can better interpret the nature of government in terms of coordination and partnership in Expo 2010. The government start-ups commercially operate in financing, investment attraction and land development, actively cooperating with private, foreign capitals and other social forces. These findings imply that the event-led restructuring is overall effective for the transformation of urban order from traditional industries to flexible leisure consumption, from monocentric city to polycentric mega-city region, consistent with the tide of postmodern city. They also imply that the operation of Expo by municipal government is entrepreneurial in nature, corresponding to the emerging neo-liberalization with Chinese characteristics. ; published_or_final_version ; Urban Planning and Design ; Master ; Master of Philosophy

Violence at sporting matches in Serbia has its roots in the events related to political tensions and the disintegration of the SFR Yugoslavia. Stepping into transition, civil war and the general criminalization of society in the setting of international isolation and UN-imposed sanctions, all led to an increase of violence in general and particularly on the sports fields. In the early 1990s sport became lucrative business, and sport clubs began to function as business corporations. Sport became politicized as politicians were included in the management of sport clubs, while sport fans were manipulated by the politicians. A number of supporters were engaged in wars in the former Yugoslavia, accepting nationalism and other extreme political ideologies, while various political occasions were used by sport supporters and members of the extreme right as a reason for serious disorders. The clubs became involved in money laundering, rigging the results, and illegal trade with players, while sport supporters' leaders became involved in blackmail, extortion and drug trafficking. The state response to this phenomenon has been overdue, formal, partial and lacking overall comprehensive strategy, while the actors of violence have had powerful protectors in political parties, celebrities, and some officials in the Serbian Orthodox Church. Adopting the law on sport and law on violence and misconduct at sporting events has created the normative preconditions for social reaction. However, problems remain in the implementation of the law, functioning of the judiciary, media sensationalism and irresponsibility, and the fact that in addition to the repressive measures, the preventive ones are also necessary. The police are only one of the actors in the fight against hooliganism and cannot solve this serious social problem by themselves. In keeping with the above stated, creating a national strategy to combat sport violence is suggested. ; Nasilje na sportskim utakmicama u Srbiji ima korene u događajima vezanim za političke tenzije i raspad SFR Jugoslavije. Ulazak u tranziciju, građanski rat i opšta kriminalizacija društva u uslovima međunarodne izolacije i sankcija UN uticali su na porast nasilja uopšte, i na sporskim terenima posebno. Početkom 90-tih godina prošlog veka sport u Srbiji postaje unosan posao, a sportski klubovi počinju da funkcionišu kao privredne korporacije. Dolazi do politizacije sporta kroz uključivanje navijača u uprave klubova, ali i do manipulacije navijačima od strane političara. Deo navijača uključuje se u ratne sukobe na području bivše Jugoslavije, prihvatajući nacionalističke i druge ekstremne političke ideologije, a razni politički povodi se koriste za izazivanje nereda od strane navijača i pripadnika ekstremne desnice. Takođe dolazi i do tesnih veza sporta i kriminala. Klubovi se uključuju u pranje novca, nameštanje rezultata, nezakonitu trgovinu igračima, a vođe navijača u ucene, iznude i trgovinu drogom. Reakcija države na ovaj fenomen je bila zakasnela, formalna, parcijalna, bez sveobuhvatne strategije, a akteri nasilja su imali moćne zaštitnike u političkim liderima, pojedincima iz javnog života i upravama klubova. Donošenjem zakona o sportu i o nasilju i nedoličnom ponašanju na sportskim manifestacijama stvorene su normativno pravne pretpostavke za društvenu reakciju. Problemi, međutim, ostaju u implementaciji zakona, funkcionisanju pravosuđa, neodgovornosti i senzacionalizmu medija, te činjenici da su pored represivnih neophodne i preventivne mere. Policija je samo jedan od aktera u borbi protiv huliganizma i sama ne može rešiti ovaj ozbiljan društveni problem, te se u tom smislu sugeriše donošenje nacionalne strategije za borbu protiv sportskog nasilja.

Population should be in the central focus of local community institutions and
the local community may constitute its population policy which will
supplement state population policy measures, considering the local specific
various traditions, values and models of living. The paper's basic goal is to
critically perceive the characteristics, significance and role of local
self-governments in the current population policy of Serbia. Social situation
and social policy characteristics in Serbia are analyzed in the context of
the population policy. It is pointed out that poverty, unemployment, the
economic crisis, the process of privatization, the issue of system
decentralization and social expectations of the population, as current
expressions of transition, all have a consequence on the demographic
development and population policy. A critical estimation of the activities in
the field of population policies which are carried out by local and
provincial self-governments in Serbia in the last decade are brought into
focus, with a special review to the activities of provincial and local
governments in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. As a result of the
analysis it is pointed out that the population and social policy measures
have been separated since the year 2000 and that they have been directed only
to stimulating births and not child raising and that solutions regarding
maternity leave brought improvements, however shortened maternity leave for
the third child. The new conception of the population policy brought a whole
series of restrictions such as: suspension of aid for newborn essentials;
discontinuance of the right to maternity allowance; abolishing of
compensation for preschool expenses for the third child; children?s allowance
lost its population measures character along with considerable tightening of
the census and decreasing of amount; the activities of preschool facilities
have been reduced only to an educational function, and the terms for
realizing rights to preschool education for children without parents and
children with special needs have been tightened. The authors point out to the
values and principles on which a contemporary population policy of local
self-governments in Serbia should be established, such as: stability of
established measures, a clear message on the needs of society, compatibility
and not uniformity with measures of other bodies, compassion and uniformity
with aspirations of couples and individuals, respect for the rights and
freedom of man, information availability, equality of birth and raising
children in measures. The establishment of population policy municipality
funds is suggested and that local population policy measures are both
material and non-material type, as well as in the form of organizational
measures which could use the existing resources in a better way. The
municipal assembly should create organizational suppositions by appointing a
Population Policy Commission as its permanent body. The Commission would
propose to the Municipal Assembly to adopt a strategic document - the
Population Policy Strategy in the municipality. The Municipality Assembly
should adopt the Action Plan for carrying out of the population policy every
year, which would define the measures, bearers, terms and methods of
evaluating measures with a plan for the following year. The population policy
of the local self-government should be a constant process which manages,
follows and evaluates, which is public and which understands the engagement
of competent people, participation of citizens-volunteers and civil
organizations.

Nach dem Oslo prozess im Gaza-Streifen und Westjordanland (weiter WJGS), die palästinensische Selbstverwaltung eingesetzt wurde. Die wichtigste Frage, eine Antwort auf die diese Dissertation zu geben versucht, ist: Hat es diese Regierung geschafft, sich in ihrem ersten Jahrzehnt (1994 - 2004) zu einer staatlichen, im Sinne von einer differenzierten, zentralisierten und autonomen Organisation zu entwickeln, die das Gewaltmonopol innehat und in der Lage ist, landesweit verbindliche Gesetze zu etablieren? Die Realität nach dem Oslo-Prozess: Tatsächlich fand eine Konzentration der Macht in den Händen Arafats und einer kleinen regierenden Elite in seinem Umkreis statt. Dies geschah auf Kosten der Mehrheit der Bevölkerung, welcher der Zugang zu staatlichen Institutionen auf nationaler Ebene verwehrt wurde. Dieser Zustand der Marginalisierung der Bevölkerungsmehrheit hemmte die Durchsetzung eines demokratischen Systems nach den Prinzipien Gewaltenteilung, Verantwortlichkeit und Transparenz und erstickte die rechtsstaatlichen Ansätze im Keim. Arafat und die kleine Elite in seinem Gefolge verhinderten nicht nur den Aufstieg eines demokratischen und rechtsstaatlichen Systems, sondern auch das Aufkommen eines Verwaltungssystems, das nach fairen Prinzipien (Leistung, Kompetenz) und nicht nach informellen/persönlichen Kriterien besetzt wurde, klare Spezialisierungen und Hierarchien aufwies sowie durchschaubar war, wie Max Weber vorschlägt. Näher betrachtet, erschwerten der Friedensprozess von Oslo und seine Vereinbarungen den Aufbau von stabilen und reaktionsfähigen politischen Institutionen genauso wie den eines professionellen Verwaltungssystems. Dies geschah, da der Prozess Menschen demobilisierte (aus der Unfähigkeit heraus, die Bestrebungen Palästinas, ein selbstbestimmter souveräner Staat zu werden, wahrzunehmen), außerdem ermöglichte er Arafat und dessen kleiner Machtelite, die Macht bei sich zu konzentrieren und ein halbautokratisches, von patrimonialen Zügen gekennzeichnetes Regime einzuführen, das dem Machthaber ermöglichte, öffentliche Fonds und Institutionen auszunutzen, um sich Loyalität zu sichern und seinem Regime Legitimität zu verschaffen. Als Antwort darauf stärkten die Gegner des Prozesses von Oslo und Arafats, also die Hamas, der Islamische Djihad und PFLP ihre Institutionen und begannen parallel zu den Institutionen der Autonomiebehörde parastaatliche Funktionen auszuüben. Am wichtigsten ist die Tatsache, dass diese Institutionen von den Milizen der politischen Parteien, denen sie angegliedert sind, beschützt werden. Zum Beispiel wird die Al Salah Islamic Society von den Izz El Din El Kassam Brigaden dem militärischen Flügel derHamas beschützt. Die 'Freunde der Märtyrer' sind dem Islamischen Djihad angegliedert und werden vom militanten Flügel der Gruppe, den Al Quds Brigaden beschützt. Dementsprechend ist der Staat - im Sinne einer zentralen Organisation mit Macht zur Autoritätsausübung und einem Gewaltmonopol (wie Joel Migdal vorschlägt) nicht präsent auf der politischen Bühne in Palästina. ; In 1994, the Palestinian self-government was established on the Gaza Strip and West Bank (hereinafter WBGS) as result of Oslo process. One of its main challenges of that government was how to deal with this debilitating heritage whilst promoting institutions and institutional capacity building, both of which began gaining momentum from 1994 onwards. However, the reality of the Oslo process has meant that in fact what has occurred is a concentration of power into the hand of the ruling elite (Arafat and the small elite around him) at the expense of the majority of population who were denied access to national level institutions of state functions. This state of the political marginalization (or denationalization) of the majority of population hindered the emergence of a democratic political system based on the principles of the separation of powers, accountability, and transparency, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law. Arafat and the small elite around him had not only hindered the emergence of a democratic political system, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law, but also the emergence of a bureaucratic system with a recruitment system based on achievement rather than informal/irrational criteria (competence), highly specialized and differentiated administrative role of civil servants (differentiation), and well established and thoroughly understandable system of super-ordination and sub-ordination (hierarchy) as Max Weber suggests. In response, the opponents of Oslo process & Arafat- Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and PFLP-had strengthened their institutions, and started to practice Para-state functions parallel to PA institutions (as chapter V shows). These instituions are protected by the militia of the political party with which it is affiliated, like Izz El Din El Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, and others. Accordingly, State- in the term of central organization with the power of issuing authoritative binding legal rules and monopolizing coercion (as Joel Migdal suggests)- was absent from the Palestinian scene.

International audience ; Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) and Irrigation Management Transfer (IMT) are studied at three levels : the international literature, the policy and action taken in Morocco and field work in the Beni Amir large scale irrigation system. International literature argues that management will improve if users can take management decisions that are the outcome of local negotiations between stakeholders and based on local knowledge and normative frameworks. Since the 1980s, several governments have adopted these turnover programs, often as part of the requirements of a structural adjustment package negotiated with IMF and international development banks. This shows that in many countries the tight financial situation of governments has been important for introducing PIM/IMT. The management transfer from the State to Water Users Associations (WUAs) has been more successfully achieved in some places (Mexico, Colombia and Turkey), than in other places (India, Pakistan, Philippines). Literature provides explanations as success factors for PIM/IMT like relative strength of economy and central government, higher literacy and standard of living. These factors are largely valid for Morocco and thus raises the question about the Moroccan progress in the domain of PIM in large scale irrigation. PIM policy was introduced by the government in 1990 and specified in 1995 as a policy that should be progressively spread, selective depending on location, adapted to the physical and organizational environment, contractual with the water users as partner and finally provide financial advantages for the water users. Field research took place in the Beni Amir large-scale irrigation system in Morocco, situated 200 km south east of Casablanca, where PIM policy became an issue in 1990. In the context of disengagement of the Moroccan state, objectives of the regional government agency responsible for irrigation management in the area (named ORMVAT, Office régional de mise en valeur agricole du Tadla) are to evolve from a complete State management up to farm level, to a more participatory management.Recent field work in which a check list of management tasks performed by farmers was used, showed that, contrary to the policy objectives, WUAs in the Beni Amir system are weakly involved in decision making and hardly perform tasks in irrigation system management. We found that PIM implementation in Morocco does not comply with the theoretical models that have been developed in Mexico, Turkey, the Philippines or elsewhere. This proves the hypothesis that PIM is context-specific which requires that before attempting to implement major institutional reforms in the irrigation sector, it is necessary to understand the national as well as the local context, the opportunities it offers, and the constraints it places on successful institutional reform. Even though local conditions in Beni Amir somehow fit with some points of the theory related to PIM/IMT (i.e. water scarcity should stimulate irrigation reform, the relatively good performance of the infrastructure should permit that IMT programs take off relatively "quickly", availability of cash money for farmers to pay water fees), PIM programs did not come off the ground in Beni Amir. Case specific reasons that could explain the hesitance of PIM/IMT implementation are i) the irrigated perimeter of Beni Amir, as it is managed nowadays by the ORMVAT, functions relatively well, ii) the society is characterised by relatively strong central rule, iii) rigid labour relations in the civil service and iv) farmers are hesitant to take over the irrigation management.

International audience ; Empirical Practices involve configurations and specific action settings: they thus testify to the practical reflexivity of ordinary agents. In such issues (A. Giddens, V. Descombes, L. Kaufmann .), does a new intersubjective consciousness of human potentiality and dignity unfold? In such reciprocity of consciousness, can an alternative world to the established social order emerge? Poetic exchange in France at the beginning of modern times, significantly influenced by the presence of the Renaissance Humanist Community, takes, with such questions, the appearance of an original communicative experience in both the recreational space of familiar exchange and in the ritualized space of civic life. Indeed, the communicative discourse is more important for the social bond it creates than for the poem itself: it is a form of reflexive celebration of social relations. Poetic practices testify to the invention of a social area based on a natural community. The poetic subject relays and diversifies the vivere civile of a body politic invested in a mystical unity. Poetry Learning imparts social beliefs that it incorporates and "naturalizes" like the "Jeux floraux" of Toulouse, which legitimizes the possibility for exchange in the heart of a creative human nature. At the individual level, the universalizing representation of the poet makes possible in each man the free construction of what may be the quality of human beings, but not the actualization of a pre-existing essence. So in the corpus of poets we find nominalist fragments in the form of poetic Texts which are Interaction Ritual. Thus in the process of invention of society, or human science, poetic experience is acting out the purposes of a new sociality. ; Les pratiques empiriquement constituées s'inscrivent dans des configurations et des contextes d'action précis : elles témoignent alors de la réflexivité pratique des agents ordinaires. Dans de telles problématiques (A. Giddens, V. Descombes, L. Kaufmann.), se déploie-t-il une nouvelle conscience intersubjective de la potentialité et de la dignité humaine ? D'une telle réciprocité des consciences peut-il émerger un monde alternatif à l'ordre social institué ? Fortement marqué par la présence de communautés humanistes, l'échange poétique en France au début des Temps Modernes prend, avec de telles questions, l'aspect d'une expérience communicationnelle originale à la fois dans l'espace ludique des échanges familiers et dans l'espace ritualisé de la vie civique. En effet, le discours de communication importe ici moins par l'objet poétique que par le lien qu'il crée : il est une forme de célébration réflexive du lien social. Les pratiques poétiques témoignent donc de l'invention d'u n espace de socialité fondée sur une communauté naturelle. Le sujet poétique relaie, diversifie ainsi le vivre ensemble d'un corps politique fortement investi dans une unité mystique. Dès son apprentissage, la poésie mobilise des croyances sociales qu'elle permet d'incorporer et de « naturaliser », à l'exemple des Jeux Floraux de Toulouse, où se crée et se légitime la possibilité de l'échange au cœur d'une nature humaine fondatrice. À l'échelle des individus, la figure universalisante du poète permet d'affirmer la libre construction, en chaque homme, de ce que peut être la qualité d'homme, et non l'actualisation d'une essence préexistante. À ce titre nous trouvons dans le corpus des poètes des fragments nominalistes sous forme d'énoncés poétiques constitutifs même de l'interaction des individus dans les rituels poétiques. Ainsi dans le processus d'invention de la société, voire des sciences de l'homme, l'expérience poétique occupe une place singulière, remarquable en terme de refondation normalisé du lien social.

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

Book Reviews in This Article:F. R. H. du Boulay. The Lordship of Canterbury. An Essay on Medieval Society.Elspeth M. Veale. The English Fur Trade in the Later Middle Ages. Faculty Office Registers, 1534‐1549. A Calendar of the first two Registers of the Archbishop of Canterbury s Faculty Office.A. J. Slavin. Politics and Profit: a study of Sir Ralph Sadler, 1507‐47.D. M. Livock (Ed.). City Chamberlains' Accounts in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.A. M. Everitt. The Community of Kent and the Great Rebellion.Peter Laslett. The World We Have Lost.Lionel Munby. Hertfordshire Population Statistics.A. D. Francis. The Methuens and Portugal, 1691‐1708.D. F. McKenzie. The Cambridge University Press, 1696‐1712. A Bibliographical Study.Sir Francis Hill. Georgian Lincoln. Camden Miscellany.R. M. Barton. A History of the Cornish China‐Clay Industry.John Burnett. Plenty and Want. A Social History of Diet in England from 1815 to the Present Day.M. W. Flinn (Ed.). Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain, by Edwin Chadwick, 1842.E. J. Hobsbawm. Labouring Men. Studies in the History of Labour.Frank Whitson Fetter. Development of British Monetary Orthodoxy, 1797‐1875.J. M. Hussey (Ed.). The Cambridge Medieval History.Henry J. Cohn. The Government of the Rhine Palatinate in the Fifteenth Century.Carlo M. Cipolla. Guns and Sails in the Early Phase of European Expansion, 1400‐1700.Alain Dubois. Die Salzversorgung des Wallis, 1500‐1610. Wirtschaft und Politik.Z. Y. Hershlag. Introduction to the Economic History of the Middle East.Sunil Kumar Sen. Studies in Industrial Policy and Development of India.Frank H. H. King. Money and Monetary Policy in China, 1845‐1895.William W. Lockwood (Ed.). The State and Economic Enterprise in Japan.Eijiro Honjo. The Social and Economic History of Japan.UNITED STATES OF AMERICAStuart Bruchey. The Roots of American Economic Growth, 1607‐1861: An Essay in Social Causation.Daniel H. Calhoun. Professional Lives in America: Structure and Aspiration, 1750‐1850.Frederick G. Jensen. Capital Growth in Early America.Alice E. Smith. George Smith's Money.Albert Fishlow. American Railroads and the Transformation of the Ante Bellum Economy.Eugene D. Genovese. The Political Economy of Slavery, Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South.David T. Gilchrist and W. David Lewis (Eds.). Economic Change in the Civil War Era.Thomas J. Pressly and William H. Scofield (Eds.). Farm Real Estate Values in the United States by Counties, 1850‐1959.Thomas W. Gavett. Development of the Labor Movement in Milwaukee.Gabriel Kolko. Railroads and Regulation, 1877‐1916.J. D. B. De Bow. The Industrial Resources, Statistics, etc. of the United States.Thomas R. Brooks. Toil and Trouble: A History of American Labor.Harvey S. Perloff, Edgar S. Dunn, Jr, Eric E. Lampard, and Richard F. Muth. Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth.J. Van Fenstermaker. The Development of American Commercial Banking: 1782‐1837.Robert F. Durden. The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896.Cedric B. Cowing. Populists, Plungers, and Progressives: A Social History of Stock and Commodity Speculation, 1890‐1936.Marshall R. Colberg. Human Capital in Southern Development, 1939‐1963.Joe S. Bain. International Differences in Industrial Structure: Eight Mations in the 1950's.Jacob Schmookler. Invention and Economic Growth.M. Da Pozzo and G. Felloni. La Borsa Valori di Genova nel secolo XIX.Valerio Castronovo. L'industria laniera in Piemonte nel secolo XIX.PERIODICAL LITERATURE, 1965

Vietnam, a one-party socialist state dominated by the Communist Party of Vietnam, has in recent years moved towards a pragmatic growth-oriented approach to economic policy. Early reform measures in 1986 with the doi moi, or new way, introduced a series of market-oriented reforms in industry and trade, as well as agriculture. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989 hastened the pace of reform, as the authorities intensified monetary, banking, and structural reforms and set the stage for substantial trade and investment liberalization, and as Vietnam's arrears with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) were settled in 1993. Key lessons that emerge from the Vietnam study include: a) the Poverty Reduction Support Credit (PRSC) process is strengthened through rigorous analytic underpinnings (for example, Vietnam development reports, public expenditure reviews, and other analytical and advisory services) that provide a shared vision of the development agenda and a menu of policy actions linked to the thematic pillars of the poverty reduction strategy; b) even in a context of high government commitment, fostering a connection to an external anchor (such as world trade organization accession) can help maintain momentum in the PRSC process and reform generally; c) PRSCs can function as an effective complement to, and catalyst for, sector operations including the development of sector-wide approaches and sector budget support; and d) with large numbers of international and government participants, it becomes increasingly important for both Government and the Bank that responsibilities for coordinating inputs and consultation and maintaining a policy overview be closely linked, defined, and adequately funded.

O presente trabalho objetiva discutir o processo de ocupação do bairro Porto de Santana, no município de Cariacica, localizado na atual Região Metropolitana da Grande Vitória (RMGV), no estado do Espírito Santo. Abordando-se, de modo especial, as áreas de ocupações irregulares, bem como as relações diretas e/ou indiretas com os espaços que apresentam riscos de inundações e deslizamentos. Nesse sentido, foram realizados estudos e discussões sobre teorias relacionadas à produção do espaço urbano, assim como as suas formas de apropriação, ressaltando-se, sobretudo, o processo de mercantilização das terras urbanas. No decorrer da pesquisa foram analisados e problematizados conceitos importantes relacionados aos desastres, como as classificações dos mesmos em naturais, humanos e mistos, seguindo-se da explanação acerca do panorama mundial e brasileiro dos eventos desastrosos. Esses estudos foram realizados principalmente por meio de bancos de dados digitais de Universidades, congressos e publicações de artigos relacionados ao tema. Visando compreender o desenvolvimento desse processo na área de estudo, observou-se a evolução histórica da ocupação do espaço urbano do município de Cariacica e do bairro Porto de Santana. Este estudo foi realizado por meio do acesso a fontes históricas, como documentos, edições de jornais e imagens pertencentes ao acervo de instituições como o Instituto Jones dos Santos Neves e a Biblioteca Central da Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo (UFES), entre outras. As frequentes visitas à área de estudo possibilitaram a constatação empírica do processo de ocupação de áreas de risco em Porto de Santana. As imagens registradas em campo revelaram esse processo. Além disso, o diálogo com pessoas do bairro permitiu uma compreensão mais realista sobre sua situação, além de possibilitar uma melhor compreensão das relações entre a população e o poder público. Realizou-se também uma análise sobre a atuação do poder público por meio de instrumentos como legislações, formulação de estratégias dos diversos setores como os órgãos de defesa civil na esfera nacional, estadual e municipal. Foram realizadas entrevistas com órgãos do poder municipal, como as secretarias municipais de habitação, infraestrutura urbana, desenvolvimento social, etc., e os segmentos da sociedade envolvidos nas questões relacionadas às ocupações em áreas de risco. Ficaram evidenciadas, no desenvolvimento desta dissertação, as dificuldades de se colocar em prática medidas que realmente façam a diferença em comunidades expostas ao risco de deslizamento e inundações. Há 4 muitos fatores de ordem política, financeira e técnica, entre outras, que dificultam o desenvolvimento de ações como programas preventivos e educativos, a implantação de medidas estruturais e a aplicação e cumprimento de instrumentos de regulamentação do espaço urbano ; The present research aims to discuss the occupation process of the Porto Santana neighborhood in the municipally of Cariacica, located in the current Metropolitan Region of Great Vitória (RMGV), in the state of Espírito Santo. Approaching in special mode, the irregular occupations areas, as well as direct and/or indirect relation with the spaces that present landslide and flood risk. In this sense, studies and discussions about theories related to the production of urban areas as well as their form of appropriations emphasizing manly the process of commodification of urban lands. During this research were analyzed and problematized important concepts related to disasters, such as the classification of natural, human and mixed disaster, followed by an explanation about of the world panorama and Brazilian events disastrous. These studies were principally by mean of digital database of Universities, congresses and publications of articles related to the theme. Aiming to understand development of the process in the study area, it was watched the historical evolution of the occupation urban area of the municipality of Cariacica and the Porto de Santana neighborhood. This study was accomplished through access to historical sources, such as documents, newspapers editions and images belonging to the collection of institution such as the institute Jones Dos Santos Neves and the central Library of the Federal University of Espírito Santo (UFES), among others. Frequent visits to study areas enable empirical confirmation of the process of occupying risk areas in Porto de Santana. The images registered in the field revealed this process. Besides that, the dialogue with the people of the neighborhood allowed an understanding more realist about the situation of the neighborhood, besides enabling a better understanding of the relation between the population and the public power. An analysis was also carried out on the performance of public power trough instruments such as legislations, formulations of several sectors such as defense civil agencies at the national, state and municipal sphere. Were realized interview with agencies of municipal power. Interview were carried out with municipal authorities, such as the municipal secretariats of housing urban infrastructure, social development, etc. Moreover, the segments of society involved in issues related to the subject in risk areas. Were evidenced in the development of this dissertation the difficulties of putting into practice the measures that really make the difference in communities exposed to the risks of landslides and floods. There are many political, financial and technical factors, among others, that hinder the development of actions 6 such as preventive and educational programs, the implementation of structural measures, and the application and enforcement of instruments to regulate urban space ; FAPES

Following the new historiographical path focused on the urban dimension of the armed struggle, this research analyses the milieus and the forms of the political extremism in Rome after '68. By an interdisciplinary approach – which integrates the contribution of philosophy, of urban studies, of sociology, of urban geography, of political sciences – this study rebuilt the relation between urban territory and the implementation of a subversive violence, often lethal and terrorist, in the context of the national modernization activated by the "economic boom" (1958-1963) and of the "cold war" dynamics. A special attention is payed to the apprehension of the ideological and cultural evolutions - grown inside the "urban crisis" which affects the critical development of Rome in the post-war period – that transformed the biggest Italian metropolis in a perfect ecosystem for this extreme conflict, far beyond the only effects of the geopolitical (European crisis of the Atlanticism) and socio-economic factors (explosion of the social struggles claiming the fruition of goods and services created by for consumerist modernity). This study went back to the basic divisions of the structure, the society and the environment of Rome: the fundamental cleavages, appeared at the beginning of the republican time (1946), over which, after the "economic boom", a process of radicalization (due to the growing of the social struggles in the fields of the local community, work, school and the University, generated by a brutal and unbalanced modernization of the town) is established. Our research, so showed that the various "experiments of antagonism" matured within this vast social protest, were used finally as incubators where part of the roman extremist militancy, resulting from the end of '68 mobilization, was initiated with various subversive practices (in particular, the repertoires of the mass illegality and of the clandestine guerrilla). Considering of all these levels and these dimensions highlighted the characteristics of the political violence deployed in Rome after '68, while allotting the right proportion to the "weight" of the capital of Italy in the national deployment of the "strategy of the tension" (1969-1974) and the "years of lead" (1975-1982). This research thus strives to reconstruct a comprehensive historical framework, putting of diachronic connection the facts and the dynamic of the metropolis (social economic, cultural, ideological, political and urban factors) with the State system based in Rome – characterized by the pressures of the "iron curtain", the heavy after-effects of the fascist dictatorship and the civil war (1943-1945), the governmental frailty and the lack of national cohesion – along the years of modernization and of the entry in the age of abundance for Italy. ; En s'inscrivant dans le récent sillage historiographique consacré à la dimension métropolitaine de la conflictualité armée, cette recherche a analysé les milieux et les formes urbaines de l'extrémisme à Rome dans l'après-68. Par une approche interdisciplinaire - qui a intégré l'apport de la philosophie, de l'urbanisme, de la sociologie, de la géographie urbaine, des sciences politiques - cette étude a reconstruit la relation entre le territoire urbain et la mise en œuvre d'une violence subversive, souvent à caractère meurtrier et terroriste, dans le cadre de la modernisation nationale activée par le "boom économique" (1958-1963) et des dynamiques propres à la « guerre froide ».On a porté une attention particulière à l'appréhension des processus de transformation idéologique et culturelle, mûris au sein de la « crise urbaine » affectant le mauvais et difficile développement de Rome dans l'après-guerre, qui ont permis à la première métropole italienne de devenir l'écosystème unique et catalyseur de cette conflictualité extrême, au-delà des simples facteurs géopolitiques (crise européenne de l'idée d'atlantisme) et socio-économique (explosion des luttes sociales pour la revendication de biens et services propres à la modernité consumériste).Cette étude est remontée aux facteurs de division caractérisant la structure, le tissu et l'ambiance de Rome. Il s'agit des clivages fondamentaux, en place dès le début de l'époque républicaine (1946), sur lesquels s'implantent ensuite, au lendemain du boom économique, les processus de radicalisation qui accompagnent les multiples luttes revendicatives - dans les domaines du quartier, du travail, des écoles et de l'Université - engendrées par une modernisation de la capitale brutale et déséquilibrée. Notre recherche a, de ce fait, démontré que les différentes « expériences d'antagonisme » muries au sein de cette vaste contestation sociale, ont servi finalement d'incubateurs où une partie de la militance extraparlementaire romaine, issue de la mobilisation soixante-huitarde, s'est initiée à différentes pratiques subversives (notamment les répertoires de l'illégalité de masse et de la guérilla clandestine).La prise en compte de tous ces niveaux et ces dimensions a fait ressortir les particularités de la violence politique déployée à Rome dans l'après-68, tout en attribuant la juste proportion au « poids » de la capitale d'Italie dans le déploiement à l'échelle nationale de la « stratégie de la tension » (1969-1974) et des « années de plomb » (1975-1982).Cette recherche s'est donc engagée dans la reconstruction d'un cadre historique global, mettant en connexion diachronique les faits et les dynamiques internes à la ville (d'ordre social, économique, culturel, idéologique, politique et urbanistique) avec le système étatique centré à Rome – marqué par les pressions du « rideau de fer », les lourdes séquelles de la dictature fasciste et de la guerre civile, la fragilité gouvernementale et le manque de cohésion nationale – le long des années de la modernisation et de l'entrée dans la société d'abondance en Italie.

Ponencia presentada ao 2º Seminario sobre patrimonio arquitectónico e industrial. 19-20 de febrero, 2015, ETSAM. Aula de Gestión e Investigación del Patrimonio Arquitectónico e Industrial G+ I PAI ; [Resumen] A principios de los años sesenta, Jesús de la Sota Martínez (1924-1980) recibió por parte de su hermano Alejandro el encargo de amueblar el edificio del Gobierno Civil de Tarragona, una de las aportaciones más originales a la arquitectura española del siglo XX. El resultado fueron sillas y mesas vanguardistas, con un acabado industrial que no admitía rastros de manualidad. Consciente de la facilidad de la reproducción en serie de sus prototipos, Jesús de la Sota se lanzó a una aventura empresarial que no fue del todo comprendida en su momento, y que tenía como objetivo dar respuesta a la imposibilidad de encontrar piezas que se ajustaran a las demandas de la arquitectura moderna. Este interés por los procesos industriales, y su posible aplicación al diseño de mobiliario e interiores, cristalizó en la creación de una sociedad con José Ramón Cores Uría que surtió de muebles, lámparas y otros objetos a aquellos sectores de la sociedad madrileña más permeables a unas propuestas que estaban conectadas con el espíritu de la Bauhaus. La imagen del local donde se pusieron a la venta dichas propuestas era una verdadera declaración de intenciones: amplios planos blancos que resaltaban aún más el rigor geométrico, la unidad y la búsqueda de lo esencial. En este sentido, la experiencia en el diseño de mobiliario de Jesús de la Sota constituye un caso singular y atípico dentro del panorama español: su respuesta a las dinámicas del mercado y de la producción en serie pone de manifiesto los problemas a los que se enfrentó la arquitectura moderna del momento, pero también la habilidad y el oficio con el que se supieron resolver. Sin embargo, y a pesar de todos los esfuerzos, la empresa –concebida como un proyecto integral de interiorismo– no tuvo el éxito esperado, en parte, por resultar demasiado adelantada para la España de la época, frustrando la posibilidad de una producción continua y generalizada de su trabajo en el campo del diseño industrial. En 1974 se dio por clausurada la experiencia y Jesús de la Sota se refugió en la pintura, trasladando sus esquemas anteriores a la fotografía, al dibujo y a los óleos, a los que se entregó con pasión hasta 1980, año en el que falleció en Berlín. Pero lo más singular es que este innovador, heterodoxo y transgresor creador, que sorprendía con sus monumentos a la solidez y a la simplicidad, era un hombre angustiado por alcanzar la perfección, para lo que no dudó en idear alianzas interdisciplinares y en formar a un equipo de operarios que pudiese materializar sus proyectos, los cuales aunaban arquitectura, interiorismo, industria y fabricación en serie. Ahí radica su utopía, así como los fundamentos que explican el hecho de que sus piezas de mobiliario hayan podido resistir tan magníficamente el paso del tiempo. [Abstract] In the early sixties, Jesús de la Sota Martínez (1924-1980) was required by his famous brother Alejandro to furnish the Civil Government of Tarragona, one of the most original Spanish examples of architecture of the XXth century. The result was avant-garde industrial chairs and tables, without traces of craft. Realizing the real possibility of mass reproduction of his prototypes, Jesús de la Sota launched a business that was not well understood at the time. However, he was trying to offer solutions in order to solve the impossibility of finding furniture that suited the demands of modern architecture. His interest in industrial processes, and their possible application to the design of furniture and interiors, was crystallized in the creation of a partnership with José Ramón Cores which provide chairs, tables, lamps and other objects to those sectors of Madrid´s society more receptive to proposals well connected with the spirit of the Bauhaus. The image of the shop showed their intentions quite clearly: large white panels evinced geometric rigor, unity and essentiality in design. Therefore, Jesus de la Sota was a unique and atypical designer in the industrial Spanish panorama: its response to the market dynamics and the mass production highlighted the problems of the modern architecture in Spain, but also the skills he employed to face the challenges. Nevertheless, despite all efforts, the company —a global interior design project— was not as successful as expected, partly because it was too advanced, frustrating the possibility of a continuous production and ending up his work in the field of industrial design. In 1974 the adventure ceased and Jesús de la Sota took refuge in painting, moving his previous schemes to photography, drawing and oil on canvas, to which he was dedicated with passion until 1980, when he died in Berlin. But the most singular thing is that this innovative, unorthodox and visionary creator, author of genuinely strong and simple pieces, was a man anxious for perfection. In this regard, he established interdisciplinary alliances and even trained a team who could implement projects ranging from architecture to interiors and industrial production. Therein lays his utopia, and the basis that explain the fact that his pieces of furniture have been able to resist so magnificently over time.