Suchergebnisse

In this article we study the relationship between democratization and civil society development in Portugal (1974-2010). We argue that the differences in historical patterns of policy-making and the ways social policies were engaged with each associational subfield at the moment of the transition shaped subsequent patterns of associational development during the democratic period. When the enactment of social policies and the creation of regulatory and political institutions affecting each sub-sector were friendlier towards civil society organizations, the latter blossomed. In the long run, civil society organizations were empowered whenever institutions and policies, designed during the transition and the immediate post-transition phases, were created to include societal pressures from below as the result of a more consensual relationship between elites and masses. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to renew the questioning of Egyptian civil society by proposing an approach that could question the paradoxes of the classic debate on this issue. This approach is based on the distinction between civil society as a series of actions for social and political players and civil society as a concept formulated by scientists. The text demonstrates that the renewal of the concept of civil society proposed by Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato can be useful to understand the process of empowerment of civil society in Egypt in recent years. The text focuses on the recovery of the historic itinerary of the notion of civil society in Egypt after the revolution of January 25, 2011, with the ongoing debate on the issue of 'civility' of the Egyptian state and its relationship with religion and the military institution. The last part of the article notes however that the distinction between the two forms of discourses on civil society is difficult to operate. The struggles around the definitions of civil society within the scientific community are of such intensity that they harm any minimal scientific consensus on this notion. Adapted from the source document.

The present investigation on "Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil and civil society political boundaries" is intended to be a "contribution to the reflection on the meaning of citizen political engagement". Indeed, by giving civil society the political vocation of legitimation of the state, the German philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, posits that speaking in the form of public speaking exercise of reason would be enough to trigger a Communicational Action making the citizen the actor and the recipient of the laws and institutions that govern him. But this achievement does not happen by itself. It depends, according to the French philosopher Eric Weil, of special conditions created by nature and functioning of modern society.The main aim of this investigation which dares a virtual dialogue between the two thinkers, is to show that if the global triumph of the idea of civil society contributes to the acceleration of the advent of a universally administered society within the limits of simple reason, the achievement of the goal remains undermined by the omnipresence of violence and nonsense in contemporary political sphere.Therefore, to get out of this double impasse to which the public exercise of reason is exposed, dialogue between Jürgen Habermas and Eric Weil ends with the primacy of the question of meaning. An outcome which is justified and therefore justifies the citizen political engagement. It is by continuing to act reasonably, non-violently, alone and/or with others for the advent of a Real State, despite the persistence of irrationality, violence and nonsense that the citizen contributes to the renewal of the meaning of its individual and collective existence. ; La présente investigation sur le thème «Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil et les limites politiques de la société civile» se veut une «contribution à la réflexion sur le sens de l'engagement politique citoyen». En effet, en conférant à la société civile la vocation politique de légitimation de l'Etat, le philosophe et sociologue allemand, Jürgen ...

The present investigation on "Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil and civil society political boundaries" is intended to be a "contribution to the reflection on the meaning of citizen political engagement". Indeed, by giving civil society the political vocation of legitimation of the state, the German philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, posits that speaking in the form of public speaking exercise of reason would be enough to trigger a Communicational Action making the citizen the actor and the recipient of the laws and institutions that govern him. But this achievement does not happen by itself. It depends, according to the French philosopher Eric Weil, of special conditions created by nature and functioning of modern society.The main aim of this investigation which dares a virtual dialogue between the two thinkers, is to show that if the global triumph of the idea of civil society contributes to the acceleration of the advent of a universally administered society within the limits of simple reason, the achievement of the goal remains undermined by the omnipresence of violence and nonsense in contemporary political sphere.Therefore, to get out of this double impasse to which the public exercise of reason is exposed, dialogue between Jürgen Habermas and Eric Weil ends with the primacy of the question of meaning. An outcome which is justified and therefore justifies the citizen political engagement. It is by continuing to act reasonably, non-violently, alone and/or with others for the advent of a Real State, despite the persistence of irrationality, violence and nonsense that the citizen contributes to the renewal of the meaning of its individual and collective existence. ; La présente investigation sur le thème «Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil et les limites politiques de la société civile» se veut une «contribution à la réflexion sur le sens de l'engagement politique citoyen». En effet, en conférant à la société civile la vocation politique de légitimation de l'Etat, le philosophe et sociologue allemand, Jürgen Habermas, postule que la prise de parole sous forme d'exercice public de la raison suffirait pour enclencher un Agir communicationnel à même de faire du citoyen l'acteur et le destinataire des lois et des institutions qui le gouvernent. Mais cet aboutissement ne va pas de soi. Elle dépend, selon le philosophe français, Eric Weil, de conditions particulières induites par la nature et le fonctionnement de la société moderne. La principale préoccupation de cette investigation qui, ose un dialogue virtuel entre les deux penseurs, est de montrer que, si le triomphe planétaire de l' idée de société civile contribue à l'accélération de l'avènement d'une société universellement administrée dans les limites de la simple raison, l'atteinte de cet objectif reste minée par l'omniprésence de la violence et du non-sens dans la sphère politique contemporaine. Aussi, pour sortir de cette double impasse à laquelle s'expose l'exercice public de la raison, le dialogue entre Jürgen Habermas et Eric Weil s'achève par la primauté de la question du sens. Un aboutissement qui se justifie et justifie par conséquent l'engagement politique citoyen. Car, c'est en continuant à agir de façon raisonnable et non-violente, seul et/ou avec les autres pour l'avènement d'un Etat vrai, malgré la persistance de l'irrationalité, de la violence et du non-sens, que le citoyen contribue au renouvellement du sens de son existence individuelle et collective.

Civil System, Law and Reason.
Civil society and civil system are distinguished. Civil society is ruled by law. Civil system has subjective rights protected by law. The question is whether civil system is founded upon experience or upon reason.

To Israelis, Yair Lapid has long been known as his father's son. Tommy Lapid was a famous newspaper and TV journalist, the founder of a now-defunct secular political party, Shinoui (Hebrew for 'Change'), and Minister of Justice under Ariel Sharon. In short, Tommy Lapid was one of the leading lights of his generation. Yair, born in 1963, followed in the footsteps of his remarkable father, who died in 2008, by pursuing a career as a journalist before going into politics and setting up the centrist party Yesh Atid ('There is a future' in Hebrew ) in 2012. Like his father, Yair enjoyed rapid success, his party placing second in the January 2013 general election. He was immediately appointed Finance Minister, a key partner of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the coalition government, and has already made his mark. In this exclusive interview, he describes his personal vision of Israel, and candidly admits to an ambition to lead the government within a few years. Adapted from the source document.

The article seeks to understand the contemporary uses of the concept of civil society in labor market reforms in Germany. By first studying the three dominant readings of the constitution of collectives during the 19th century (civil, civic & social), the article aims to specify the semantics & categories available to describe & order a political society. In the second part, the article examines the expansion of "organized modernity" & the demise of civil society semantics under the Kaiserreich as a path to understanding the contemporary erosion of these century-old institutions. This historical excursion sheds new light on the reasons for the ability of civil society to subvert existing collective categories but questions the ability of new institutions & arrangements based on civil society grammar to provide stable & viable alternatives to the institutions of organized modernity. Adapted from the source document.

War and peace, once matters for royalty, are today rife with organizations that legitimize their efforts in terms of their exteriority to states. But this civil society, supported by intergovernmental organizations and major donor nations, has not been disconnected from politics; the warring parties often work to take command of the political tools in many ways. This study of the role played by civil society in the resolution of a twenty-five year conflict in Casamance, Southern Senegal, reveals the variety of these efforts, beginning with the population's sympathy for the separatists, as well as the separatists themselves. Paradoxically, the Senegalese state shows itself the most adept at the civil society game and profits from it the most, for the moment at least. Adapted from the source document.