Suchergebnisse

"This book is a study of elections to the representative organ of Norway's indigenous people, the Sámi. Based on quantitative and qualitative research, the anthology examines various aspects of elections to the Sámi Parliament, both in general and regarding the 2017 election in particular. The nine chapters delve into a wide range of topics, from voter behaviour and election results to more fundamental questions regarding indigenous representation and organizing in Norway.

The book covers five main themes. First, Sámi identity and criteria for voter registration. What are considered acceptable grounds for claiming to be Sámi, and what criteria do people use when judging others as Sámi or non-Sámi? When is one 'Sámi enough' to qualify for the right to vote? These questions have a bearing on the very core of Sámi politics: who should be allowed to choose representatives on behalf of the Sámi people? Second, Sámi civil society. How do organizations that represent Sámi persons and Sámi interests relate to the Sámi Parliament? Third, voter turnout. How do we explain non-voting in a system where, unlike those for other elections in Norway, one must actively register in advance to be able to vote? And what about the fact that voters in municipalities with fewer than 30 registered voters must vote in advance? Do these circumstances depress voter turnout? Fourth, the party-political landscape. What differentiates supporters of the different parties? Are there clear differences that make it easier for voters to identify the distinctions between the parties? Finally, elections and voter information. Where do voters find information about this election? We look specifically at how parties and voters find each other in South Norway, the largest constituency in the country, and yet one in which Sámi parliamentary elections are rarely covered by the media.

Sámi Parliamentary Elections: Identity, Participation, Party Politics will be relevant for everyone interested in indigenous representation and participation generally, and the Sámi democratic system in Norway particularly, especially students, academics, journalists and those who are actively engaged in Sámi politics." - "Denne boka er den tredje i en rekke av studier av sametingsvalg i Norge. Med utgangspunkt i velgerundersøkelser og kvalitative studier behandler boka ulike sider ved sametingsvalg generelt og valget i 2017 spesielt. Gjennom ni kapitler ser boka både på velgeradferd og valgresultat og på mer grunnleggende spørsmål om samepolitikkens oppbygging.

Boka har fem hovedtemaer. For det første, samisk identitet og forholdet til valgmanntallet. Hva skal til for å oppfatte seg selv eller andre som same? Når er man «samisk nok» til å melde seg inn i valgmanntallet? Disse spørsmålene angår selve grunnlaget for samepolitikken: hvem som skal tillates å velge representanter på vegne av det samiske folket. For det andre, det samiske sivilsamfunnet. Hvordan forholder organisasjoner som representerer samer og samiske interesser seg til Sametinget? For det tredje, valgdeltakelse. Hvordan kan man forklare hjemmesitting i et system der man – i motsetning til andre valg i Norge – aktivt må registrere seg på forhånd som velger? Og hva med det faktum at velgere i kommuner med færre enn 30 manntallsførte må forhåndsstemme – bidrar dette til å trekke ned valgdeltakelsen? For det fjerde, det partipolitiske landskapet. Hva skiller velgerne til de ulike partiene? Er det tydelige forskjeller som gjør det lett for velgerne å se forskjell på partiene? For det femte, valgkampen og velgernes informasjon. Hvor henter velgerne sin informasjon om valget fra? Vi ser særlig på hvordan partier og velgere finner hverandre i Sør-Norge, en valgkrets der sametingsvalget nesten ikke dekkes i mediene.

Sametingsvalg: Tilhørighet, deltakelse, partipolitikk henvender seg til alle som er opptatt av ulike sider ved det å ha et samisk demokratisk system i Norge, men særlig til studenter, forskere, journalister og samepolitisk aktive."

"Volunteering and political activism are two key forms of civic engagement. There is a broad consensus that civic engagement, which often involves participation in various forms of collective action, is a cornerstone of a well-functioning democracy. Civic engagement and participation in collective action have traditionally been linked to social movements and voluntary organizations. Collective action is, however, changing as a result of societal- level processes of change, such as digitalization, the emergence of social media, individualization and globalization.

This book investigates how these social changes have affected the ways individuals participate in different forms of collective action. What consequences does digitalization have for civic engagement in Norway? Is the distinction between volunteering and political activism about being wiped out? Are new organizational forms arising as a result of digitalization and individualization? Has globalization led to new forms of transnational networks? And more generally, are the traditional forms of collective action, rooted in civil society organizations, replaced by a new form of ""connective action""? Based on a variety of data sources, including survey data, case studies and in-depth interviews, the authors paint a broad picture of how different forms of collective action and civic engagement in Norway are influenced by processes of social change.

The analyzes in this book are based on a five-year research project within the Center for Research on Civil Society and Voluntary Sector, funded by the Ministry of Culture. The book presents the project's main findings in an edited volume with contributions from an interdisciplinary team of authors." - "Frivillig innsats og politisk aktivisme er to sentrale former for samfunnsengasjement. Det er en bred enighet om at samfunnsengasjement, som ofte innebærer deltakelse i ulike former for kollektiv handling, er en hjørnestein i et velfungerende demokrati. Samfunnsengasjement og deltakelse i kollektiv handling har tradisjonelt vært knyttet til sosiale bevegelser og frivillige organisasjoner. Kollektive handlingsformer er imidlertid i endring som en følge av endringsprosesser på samfunnsnivå, som digitalisering, fremvekst av sosiale medier, individualisering og globalisering.

Denne boken undersøker hvordan disse samfunnsendringene har påvirket måten individene deltar i ulike former for kollektiv handling på. Hvilke konsekvenser har digitalisering for samfunnsengasjement i Norge? Er skillet mellom frivillighet og politisk aktivisme i ferd med å bli visket ut? Oppstår det nye organisasjonsformer som følge av digitalisering og individualisering? Har globalisering ført til nye former for transnasjonale nettverk? Og mer generelt, blir de tradisjonelle former for kollektiv handling, forankret i sivilsamfunns organisasjoner, erstattet av en ny form for «konnektiv handling»? Basert på en rekke datakilder, inkludert surveydata, casestudier og dybde intervjuer, maler forfatterne et bredt bilde av hvordan ulike former for kollektiv handling og samfunnsengasjement i Norge påvirkes av samfunnsendringsprosesser.

Analysene i denne boken bygger på et femårig forskningsprosjekt innenfor Sentret for forskning på sivilsamfunn og frivillig sektor, finansiert av Kulturdepartementet. Boken presenterer prosjektets hovedfunn i en redigert bok med bidrag fra et tverrfaglig team av forfattere."

"Post-war expansion of the welfare state is one of the most central changes in Norwegian society
today and is often a topic in public debate. When certain conceptions about the welfare state
are developed and they are no longer based on systematic analyses but rather ideas and attitudes,
they can turn into myths. However, to be termed myths requires documentation, and
here social research plays an important role. This book rejects and elaborates central myths in
the public debate about the welfare state. The book is structured as an anthology, written by six
welfare sociologists at the University of Bergen. The first article introduces the history of The
Myth of the Welfare State, a book published by Pax in 1970, then revised a few years later, and
with a follow-up version in 1995, 25 years after that. The book became a flaming light within
the social policy debate, because it criticized the welfare state for not solving the problem of
poverty. Although this problem, relatively seen, is reduced, the following five articles show
that, within the framework of the welfare state, there is room for new important critical discussions.
One myth focuses on the idea that a combination of a comprehensive state and an active
civil society with much voluntary work is not possible. Another concerns the idea that welfare
results in dependency. A third is about the "Elder Boom". A fourth concerns single mothers
and assumes that these unlawfully try to get access to welfare. And finally, the last discusses
the ideas that crime should result in punishment and "prison pain". Together, the articles are a
contribution to make the debate about the welfare state richer and more dynamic." - "Utbyggingen av velferdsstaten i etterkrigstiden hører til en av de mest sentrale endringer i
det norske samfunn, og er ofte et tema i den offentlige debatt. Når bestemte forestillinger om
velferdsstaten utvikles og de ikke lenger bygger på systematiske analyser, men på ideer og
holdninger, kan de bli til myter. At det er snakk om myter, må imidlertid dokumenteres, og her
spiller samfunnsforskningen en viktig rolle. Denne boken tilbakeviser og nyanserer sentrale
myter i den offentlige debatt om velferdsstaten. Boken er bygget opp som en antologi, skrevet
av seks velferdssosiologer fra Universitetet i Bergen. Den første artikkelen gir en innføring
i historien om Myten om velferdsstaten, en bok utgitt av Pax i 1970, siden revidert noen år
etter og med en oppfølger i 1995, 25 år etter. Boken ble en brannfakkel i den sosialpolitiske
debatt, fordi den kritiserte velferdsstaten for ikke å håndtere fattigdomsproblemet. Selv om
dette problemet, relativt sett, er redusert, utgjør de etterfølgende artiklene om fem aktuelle
velferdsmyter en argumentasjon for, at det, innenfor velferdsstatens rammer, er rom for nye
viktige kritiske diskusjoner. Én myte handler om at en sterk stat ikke kan forenes med et aktivt
samfunn med stor grad av frivillighet. En annen handler om at velferd skaper avhengighet. En
tredje handler om eldrebølgen. En fjerde handler om at alenemødre antas å lure til seg velferd.
Og endelig handler en siste myte om at kriminalitet må møtes med straff og 'fengselspine'.
Artiklene er samlet sett et bidrag til å gjøre debatten om velferdsstaten rikere og mer dynamisk."

The article discusses the African state, using Michael Mann's theory of state formation as a starting point. Mann describes state formation as a process through which society is gradually "caged in" by the state, establishing the state as the highest political authority & the final arbiter of conflict within its territory. I argue that African states have been unable to "cage in" their societies. On the one hand, this means that politics does not only consist in struggles about control over the state or the content of state politics. Instead, the state's right to formulate laws & policies that are binding for society as a whole is challenged. On the other hand, since the state is unable to control its borders, interstate relations also take a different form. Conflicts that start as civil wars tend to spread across borders, without any of the affected states being able to prevent it. As a result, the distinction between the internal & the external becomes blurred. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

"This book is a study of elections to the representative organ of Norway's indigenous people, the Sámi. Based on quantitative and qualitative research, the anthology examines various aspects of elections to the Sámi Parliament, both in general and regarding the 2017 election in particular. The nine chapters delve into a wide range of topics, from voter behaviour and election results to more fundamental questions regarding indigenous representation and organizing in Norway. The book covers five main themes. First, Sámi identity and criteria for voter registration. What are considered acceptable grounds for claiming to be Sámi, and what criteria do people use when judging others as Sámi or non-Sámi? When is one 'Sámi enough' to qualify for the right to vote? These questions have a bearing on the very core of Sámi politics: who should be allowed to choose representatives on behalf of the Sámi people? Second, Sámi civil society. How do organizations that represent Sámi persons and Sámi interests relate to the Sámi Parliament? Third, voter turnout. How do we explain non-voting in a system where, unlike those for other elections in Norway, one must actively register in advance to be able to vote? And what about the fact that voters in municipalities with fewer than 30 registered voters must vote in advance? Do these circumstances depress voter turnout? Fourth, the party-political landscape. What differentiates supporters of the different parties? Are there clear differences that make it easier for voters to identify the distinctions between the parties? Finally, elections and voter information. Where do voters find information about this election? We look specifically at how parties and voters find each other in South Norway, the largest constituency in the country, and yet one in which Sámi parliamentary elections are rarely covered by the media. Sámi Parliamentary Elections: Identity, Participation, Party Politics will be relevant for everyone interested in indigenous representation and participation generally, and the Sámi democratic system in Norway particularly, especially students, academics, journalists and those who are actively engaged in Sámi politics."

A squeamish Kurdish problem has not been solved yet. At time this transtate and ethnic conflict with international dimension was connected with arresting and deportation of PKK's leader Öcalan. Turkish authorities have been fighting the PKK's rebels at south-eastern Turkey and northern Iraq and especially civil population have suffered from these fights. Most of Turkish authorities knows that peaceful solution of the Kurdish problem should improve an image of Turkey abroad, for example a chance of Turkey to become a full-fledged member of EU. ... Kurds are often described as "stateless nation", "people without country", they are marked like the biggest stateless ethnic group of the countries of the Middle East. ... They are wide diffused in Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, but none of these countries they dominated in. They are a divided population even in Turkey: some of them were assimilated with Turkish society up to unconsciousness of individual ethnic awareness. Some of Kurdish groups from Turkey and other states have become political and they want autonomy. ... Previous Prime minister T. Ciller shortly mentioned about possibility of Kurdish community in Turkey to take a "Baskit model" of regional autonomy in autumn 1993. (SOI : MO: S. 35)