Suchergebnisse

The paper analyses the class basis of the civil society in Serbia in the period of post-socialist transformation. The analysis is based on data from several empirical studies implemented by the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade over the past twenty years, specifically in 1997, 2007 and 2012. The main objective of the analysis is to determine whether there is rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class. The basic hypothesis of the paper is that members of the middle class are the key actors of civil society in the entire period observed. Results of the analysis show that the members of the middle class have been holders of civil protests during the period of blocked transformation - almost the only phenomenal manifestation of the civil society in Serbia in the 1990s. On the other hand, research findings from 2007 and 2012 indicated a significant decline of civic activism among all social groups, and the decline was most marked precisely among the middle class. Although members of the middle class, compared with other social groups, were still more willing to engage in civic activities, data show that the differences between social classes were not especially marked, and therefore we can talk only conditionally about rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class.

In his main oeuvre from the field of political philosophy ('Basic Traits of the Philosophy of Right'), Hegel wished to reconcile civil society with state. Civil society is for Hegel the way of abstract notion of property concretization. Subjective form of property is evolutioning into objective relationships among title holders. It is in the state where the will is set free from its particular interests and is becoming free in the widest sense of the word. Since civil society is established as per marketing principles, it is subject to inequalities. Since inequalities bear destructive effect on the life in community, civic particularism may be overcome only in institutional way. That institution is the state as the 'seriousness of the spirit', and the essence of civil society. Civil society is a liberal one, and the state is based on liberal principles. For Hegel, contrary to Hobbes and Locke, liberal society is not a social contract among individuals who possessed some natural rights (property), but reciproque and equal agreement among citizens and states which wish to recognize themselves mutually. It is not an own interest, but searching for rational recognition. The same as citizens, states also wish to reconcile themselves mutually, what in the situation in Kosovo and Metohia alike gets the original form.

Razvoj človeških virov je bistvenega pomena pri doseganju uspeha za katero koli vrsto organizacije: profitne, javne ali civilne. Stanje civilne družbe je odvisno od okolja, tj. habitata, v katerem deluje. Cilj magistrske naloge je raziskati zavzetost zaposlenih v civilni družbi na Hrvaškem. V vsaki državi je sektor civilne družbe različen in se sooča s posebnimi izzivi. Sektor civilne družbe na Hrvaškem je še vedno v zgodnjih fazah razvoja in je pogosto povezan s podhranjenostjo s človeškimi viri. Mnoge civilnodružbene organizacije na Hrvaškem v celoti temeljijo na prostovoljnem delu. V nalogi smo se osredotočili na hrvaške civilno-družbene organizacije, ki imajo zaposlene. Teza je bila izbrana na podlagi vse več literature, ki se ukvarja z zavzetostjo zaposlenih v kontekstu razvoja civilne družbe. Izbran raziskovalni pristop je kombinacija kvantitativne (anketa) in kvalitativne (delno strukturiran intervju) metode. Intervjuji so bili uporabljeni kot dopolnitev k opravljenim anketam. Ključne ugotovitve kažejo, da so ne glede na finančno nestabilnost in nagnjenost k izgorelosti zaposleni v civilnodružbenih organizacijah na Hrvaškem relativno visoko zavzeti. ; The development of human resources is paramount in achieving success for any type of an organization: profit, public or the civil one. The state of the civil society is dependent on the surrounding context i.e. habitat in which it is operating. This paper aims to zoom into EE in the civil society in Croatia. The civil society sector is different in every country and it is facing unique challenges. In Croatia, the civil society is in its early phase of development, and is characterized by being under-capacitated, especially regarding its human resources. Many CSOs (in Croatia) are completely based on voluntary work. In this paper we have focused on Croatian CSOs that have employees. The thesis has been chosen based on the growing amount of literature on the topic of EE in context to the developing civil society. The research methods that have been used are a combination of the qualitative (the survey) and the quantitative (the semi-structured interviews) method. The interviews have been used as an addition to the surveys rendered. The main findings indicate that the employees in the civil society in Croatia, in spite of the financial instability and the burnout connected to their working environment, demonstrate relatively high engagement.

After the end of the Cold War, civil defense was transformed into civil protection. This part of the state structure moved from the armed forces to the civilian sector. There are two reasons. First, direct threat of nuclear war was eliminated and the other reason were climate changes caused by natural disasters on a large scale. Today's civilan protection is organized in order to protect life and property in the event of a disaster caused by nature or man. End of the Cold War influenced the transformation of the social system in Poland. This was also reflected in the field of civil protection in this country. In Poland many sectors of civil society are now directly or indirectly involved in the system of civil protection. This was largely contributed by the decentralization of the state system, which allowed greater involvement of different actors in the system of civil protection. Decentralization has enabled a more efficient division of responsibility in case of emergencies. Regardless of the differences in size of territory and population, Poland has gone through similar challenges in transformation of the state and civil protection system like other new states of the European Union. This is especially important if we look other states of the former Warsaw Pact. Beside aforementioned transformation, Poland needed to eliminate communist legacy in many areas of society. This was precondition for stabilization and modernization of the state system. After that, Poland could put more effort in the reform of other areas of political, economic and social organization, which included area of civil protection.

This paper introduces the concept of social capital as a valuable social resourcewhich is accumulated and developed via activities of civil society organizations: through reciprocal relationships as well as through relations with the domain of political power. Civil society, as the institutional actor of political participation, is in a relationship with social capital, which, to a great extent, improves the political, economic and cultural aspects of societies – those with consolidated democracy and institutions, as well as post communist societies with nonconsolidated democracy. Strengthening and development of civil society has a positive impact on the strengthening and development of social capital and vice versa. On the other hand, social capital lays a solid foundation and a base for the growth and strengthening of civil society, thus raising citizens' awareness about political participation which is an indispensable ingredient of the development of democracy. By depicting norms, networking and trust, as well as by distinguishing bonding from bridging social capital, this paper is going to portray the subject matter of social capital which is "utilized" by the citizens' and stakeholders' effi cient collaboration, thus contributing to democratic development. The stability of developed social capital facilitates the development of political participation and enhances democratic development.

The discussion about the establishment of regions has been going on in Slovenia for some years. In addition, the regional legislation package has been in the parliamentary procedure for quite some time, too. The purpose of this paper is neither to analyze the proposed legislation nor to provide a detailed list of all the solutions the legislation can bring in. The real purpose of this paper is to analyze various existing regional divisions in the fields of the state administration, general public services & civil society. Some of these regional divisions are supposed to be adapted (according to the regional tasks presented in the legislative proposal) to the proposed dividing the country into fourteen regions. It interests us how the regionalization, taken into consideration by various institutions of the state administration, broader public sector & civil social organizations, complies with the proposals made in attempts to introduce a broader level of local self-government. Besides, we would also like to ascertain whether in already existing regional divisions in Slovenia there might be the predominant solution that could be the basis for the future dividing Slovenia into regions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. The article deals with the wide range of mechanisms in support of civil society institutions–government interaction in the context of developing and implementing European integration reforms in Ukraine. The
authors identified 6 strategic documents and 20 areas
of reform related to the process of European integration,
as well as the key issues concerning implementation of
the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the
EU. The authors conclude that positive trends are visible in recent decades in the institutional development
of Ukrainian civil society, which has become a driving
force of the country's European integration aspirations.
In this setting, civil society institutions (CSIs) work with
government agencies, engage in informal advocacy,
conduct monitoring policies, perform and publish policy analysis and recommendations, and work with and
lobby international agencies and other actors.

Abstract. The article reflects on a key category introduced by Adolf Bibič
in his 1990 theoretical work Civil Society and Political Pluralism; namely,
association pluralism. Bibič introduced this concept into Slovenian political thought to grasp the diverse social and political developments of the 1980s and to open up a new view of political pluralism that moves beyond party pluralism. The author therefore asks whether the notion of associational pluralism still holds sufficient explanatory potential and is worth preserving and developing further, or whether it can be used to deal with a new social and political reality, i.e., political pluralism, which is also strongly marked by multifaceted environmental issues.
Keywords: associational pluralism, political pluralism, party pluralism,
civil society, state.

In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights. ; In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights.

Abstract. The aim of this article to identify and highlight limitations and challenges of the legal regulation of the use of facial recognition technology for surveillance purposes. The UN and the EU are seeking to develop robust human rights safeguards to regulate such practices, whereas civil society calls for a complete ban on it use for mass surveillance. The type of this technology makes it difficult to impose legal and democratic control over its lawful use and to prevent abuse. We conclude that the regulation of this area, no matter how restrictive, amounts to tacit approval of the mass use of this type of technology that opens the door to various ways of abusing human rights and freedoms, and whose justification from the perspective of the public interest is questionable.
Keywords: video surveillance, facial recognition technology, right to privacy, protection of personal data, Clearview AI