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Students of civil-military relations, particularly those in the developing countries, admit having to work on myopic assumptions, meagre data, sloppy conceptualization and inelegant explanations. The relative newness of this area of studies could be one reason for this. The study of civil-military relations in the narrow sense referring mainly to military coups and interventions, has attained importance after World War II. But the study of civil-military relations in the broader perspective of multiplicity of relationships between military men, institutions and interests, on the one hand, and diverse and often conflicting non-military organizations and political personages and interests on the other, has begun to draw academic interest only in the last two decades or so. In the twentieth century, the armed forces, being an universal and integral part of a nation's political system, no longer remain completely aloof from politics in any nation. If politics is concerned, in David Easton's celebrated words, with the authoritative allocation of values and power within a society, the military as a vital institution in the polity can hardly be wished out of participatory bounds, at least for legitimate influence as an institutional interest group with a stake in the political decision-making. The varying roles the military may play in politics range from minimal legitimate influence by means of recognized channels inherent in their position and responsibilities within the political system to the other extreme of total displacement of the civilian government in the forms of illegitimate overt military intervention in politics. This paper seeks to attempt an overview of the existing scholarship on civil-military relations; second, it examines civil-military relations in the world with special reference to major political systems of the world; third, it surveys the literature on civil-military relations in general, and finally, it attempts to develop a general, complex, and hopefully fruitful causal model for analyzing the dynamics of civil-military relations; exploring implications for future research on civil-military relations.

For the first time in its recent history living in democracy (since 1975) Spain has been under acaretaker government for slightly over ten months (from December 2015 until October 2016).Therefore, as noted in the subtitle to this article, we could wonder, have the military forces beenin a caretaker role too? To try to answer this question we will focus on the main areas of thesecurity and defense policy developed during the 2011-2015 term, which have their continuityduring this strange and brief term [see Carlos Navajas Zubeldia, ¿Avances? La política deseguridad y defensa de Rajoy (2011-2015) [Advances? Rajoy's security and defense policy],Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2016), pp. 101-129]. Thus, we willanalyze, among other matters, the international missions of the Spanish Armed Forces, relationswith allies, material policy, relations with civil society, personnel policy, etc., all within theframework of the new model of Spanish Armed Forces established in the document El proceso detransformación de las Fuerzas Armadas [The process of transformation of the Armed Forces] ofJanuary 2014. In the epilogue of the paper we will also study the first measures of the new defenseminister, the conservative Maria Dolores de Cospedal, who in November 2016 replaced the alsoconservative Pedro Morenés, who until then held this department since 2011. From amethodological point of view, I would like to stress that I am a specialist in Contemporary History.As a consequence of this, I will use this methodology, but in the context of the field of the ArmedForces and Society

This innovative book investigates the paradoxical situation whereby organized crime groups, authoritarian in nature and anti-democratic in practice, perform at their best in democratic countries.

In post-revolution Libya, the proliferation and trafficking of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) became pervasive due to the ongoing political and armed conflict that succeeded the fall of Qaddafi. The continuing state of insecurity and weakness of central state authorities has led local and community-based actors to develop their own peacebuilding initiatives, some of which included homegrown measures to control or reduce the proliferation of SALW. Drawing on insights collected in the cities of Az-Zāwiyah, Bayda, and Tobruk, this policy commentary discusses the mechanisms leading to the emergence of such initiatives, the methods of their implementation, and their strengths and weaknesses. Although these local initiatives did not result in building lasting and comprehensive peace at the national level, they offer a preliminary set of lessons learned that can help inform prospective peacebuilding and SALW control efforts in Libya. Arabic version: The Arabic version of this article is available and can be downloaded at https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.57.s1

Brazil has occupied a central role in the access to medicines movement, especially with respect to drugs used to treat those with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) that causes the acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). Contrary to previous literature centered on the role of the domestic pharmaceutical industry, politicians seeking electoral gains, and civil society activists, I argue that the state, especially the National AIDS Program, led the struggle in contesting a corporate-driven international intellectual property regime. After reviewing the origins of Brazil's treatment policies and patent reforms, I trace the actions and relationships between the state, civil society, transnational corporations (TNCs), and local industry in three instances when Brazilian officials used compulsory licenses to reduce the price of medicines. Coalition-building and "naming and shaming" tactics contributed to Brazil's success, while changing pharmaceutical capabilities limited more aggressive actions.

The paper aims to conduct a study on the legislation governing the use of the Internet in Brazil, the Civil Internet Framework (Law 12,965 / 2014). This is a descriptive study, of qualitative nature, based on bibliography and comparative study. A brief history of the Internet in Brazil and its current outlook is initially exposed. Then, the concept of governance in the Internet and the events that marked the discussions on this subject is presented. The Civil Internet Framework addresses in Brazil, the history of its creation and the principles that govern it. We conclude that it is an important official regulatory instrument to ensure freedom and rights of the user. Its design was based on the participation of civil society, which can be considered unprecedented in regard to creating regulatory laws. It is considered that this is a sophisticated law as to its guidelines, which makes it one of the most progressive in the world. Despite all this, its democratic trajectory of creation gives a general and superficial character. ; El trabajo tiene como propósito realizar un estudio sobre la legislación que rige el uso de Internet en Brasil, en el Marco Civil de Internet (Ley 12.965/2014). Se trata de una investigación descriptiva, de naturaleza cualitativa, basada en recopilación bibliográfica y estudio comparativo. Se expone inicialmente un breve histórico de Internet en Brasil y su panorama actual. Luego, se presenta el concepto de gobernanza en Internet y los sucesos que marcaron las discusiones acerca de esta temática. Se aborda el Marco Civil de Internet en Brasil, el histórico de su creación y los principios que lo rigen. Se concluye que es un importante instrumento oficial reglamentario para asegurar la libertad y los derechos del usuario. Su concepción se fundamentó en la participación de la sociedad civil, lo que puede considerarse inédito en lo que se refiere a la creación de leyes reglamentarias. Se considera que esta sea una ley sofisticada en cuanto a sus directrices, lo que la vuelve una de las más progresistas del mundo. Pese a todo lo anterior, su trayectoria democrática de creación le otorga un carácter generalista y superficial. ; Este trabalho tem como objetivo realizar um estudo sobre a legislação que rege o uso da internet no Brasil, o Marco Civil da Internet (Lei 12.965/2014). Trata-se de uma pesquisa descritiva, de natureza qualitativa, com base em levantamento bibliográfico e estudo comparativo. Expõese inicialmente um breve histórico da internet no Brasil e o seu panorama atual. Em seguida, é apresentado o conceito de governança na internet e os acontecimentos que marcaram as discussões acerca dessa temática. Abordase o Marco Civil da Internet no Brasil, o histórico de sua criação e os principios que o regem. Conclui-se que ele é um importante instrumento oficial regulatório para assegurar a liberdade e os direitos do usuário. Sua concepção foi fundamentada na participação da sociedade civil, o que pode ser considerado inédito no tocante à criação de leis regulatórias. Considera-se que esta seja uma lei sofisticada quanto às suas diretrizes, o que a torna uma das mais progressistas do mundo. Apesar disso, sua trajetória democrática de criação confere a ela um caráter generalista e superficial. doi:10.5294/pacla.2016.19.1.6

In a reply to Hugh Murray (1995 [see abstract 9610092]), it is argued that Murray fails to recognize the contextual situation of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as a critical transitional phase in the evolution of US race relations. It is suggested that the creation of a welfare state & the bestowal of "undeserved" jobs to racial minorities is not enough; rather, new forms of verbal expression must be realized to live in a multiethnic society. Murray's belief that the struggle for equal rights should have ended by 1964 is criticized, because a majority of society have remained color-blind, a phase to be overcome in the development of a therapeutic society in which the evil past of the white American would be absolved. The importance of the 1965 Voting Rights Act in reconfiguring voting districts to give African Americans broader congressional representation is discussed. It is concluded that the 1964 Civil Rights Act remains a significant incremental step in the process of realizing equal rights. J. W. Parker

Abstract
In 2019, the United Nations (UN) Security Council adopted Resolution 2467. The resolution was to encourage the international system to promote a survivor-centered response to conflict-related sexual violence. The role of local women-led civil society organizations has been identified as the crucial "first-response" mechanism to institute survivor-centered justice. In a situation of ongoing conflict, what agency do civil society organizations have to safely operate "first-response" survivor-centered justice? In this article, we examine the local practices of responding to conflict-related sexual violence in northern Shan State in Myanmar. This article finds that women-led local civil society organizations are indeed crucial first responders and a vital resource for promoting survivor-centered justice-seeking practices. The article also identifies the compromises and risks these civil society organizations experience that limit their agency to deliver survivor-centered justice. Local civil society organizations are constantly navigating local gendered norms, a patriarchal, unrepresentative formal legal system, and a hostile conflict environment. The positionality of local civil society organizations to local armed ethnic organizations and the state itself requires strategic consideration by the international community when recommending local civil society to deliver survivor-centered justice.