Suchergebnisse

1. Introduction -- 2. The Founding Era: Establishing Relations, 1789-1829 -- 3. The Jacksonian Hammer: 1829-1861 -- 4. The Civil War and Manifest Destiny: Lincoln to Harrison, 1861-1897 -- 5. America as an Imperial Power: McKinley to Hoover, 1897-1932 -- 6. he Rise of a Global Superpower, FDR to JFK, 1933-1963 -- 7. The Civil Rights Era and Beyond, LBJ to Donald Trump, 1963-2020 -- 8. Conclusion.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- List of Abbreviations -- Map of Uganda (Districts) -- 1 NGOs, Civil Society and Democracy -- 2 Structural Bottlenecks to Democracy -- 3 Democratization from Above? -- 4 State-Civil Society Relations -- 5 NGOs: Harbingers of Democratization? -- 6 Whither NGOs and Democracy in Africa? -- Appendix l: Indigenous Registered NGOs in Uganda (1986-93) -- Appendix II: Foreign Registered NGOs in Uganda (1986-93) -- Notes -- References -- Index.

Проблема соотношения этнического и общегражданского как в политической науке, так и в практике продолжает оставаться одной из дискуссионных. Статья посвящена исследованию воздействия этнокультурного фактора на дальнейшее развитие гражданской нации.The problem of ethnic relations and general civil in political science, and practice continues to be one of the discussion. The article investigates the impact of ethno-cultural factor on the further development of the civil nation.

Based on an analysis of the letters, diaries, and reminiscences of approximately 450 raw recruits at the Battle of Shiloh in the American Civil War, the study elaborates a comparative profile of the Civil War volunteers in contrast to professional armies. The analysis assesses sources of combat motivation such as political articulateness, nationalism, attitudes toward officers, relations with the home front, and how these affected fighting style and the citizen-soldier ethos.

Data drawn largely from the letters, diaries, & reminiscences, 1861/62, of 381 raw recruits at the Battle of Shiloh in the Civil War are used to elaborate a profile of Civil War volunteers in comparison to professional armies. Considered are sources of combat motivation, eg, political articulateness, nationalism, attitudes toward officers, & relations with the home front, & how these affected fighting style & the citizen-soldier ethos. Adapted from the source document.

Memo to "all assembly and reception center managers from Karl R. Bendetsen regarding "instruction covering press relation and releases." ; Memo from Colonel Karl R. Bendetsen, Assistant Chief of Staff, Civil Affairs Division of the Wartime Civil Control Administration, to all assembly and reception center managers, April 29, 1942; William J. Mountin material relating to forced removal and incarceration of Japanese Americans, MS-3196; California Historical Society.

Noting that UN summits are the most auspicious venue for non-state actors to popularize worldwide issues of concern, writings on international relations have emphasized the rise of a global civil society and its growing ability to use these events for influencing transnational politics. Based on findings of empirical research from six developing countries that hosted UN summits or important preparatory meetings (PrepComs), we suggest that national settings remain fundamental for civil society activism. We examine the outcome of UN summits on civil society in three dimensions: creation of political space, implementation of the summit's agenda and alliance building. This study suggests that in each of these countries, the national processes of democratization and liberal economic reforms heavily influenced the outcome of these international conferences. In particular, the results reveal the paramount centrality of the state in the organization of the summit and in setting up parameters for civil society engagement during the follow-up process. While heterogeneity was an important trait of civil society, the UN bodies organizing the summits remained nearly absent in the post-summit period. A main conclusion emerging from the research is that, in addition to international connections, any major attempt on the part of civil society organizations (CSOs) to significantly participate in the political process, whether in the form of support or opposition, inescapably entails working with relation to the state in order to take advantage of the political opportunities available in the national context. Overall, the study results suggest that discussion on the rise of global civil society and international activism occurring in part thanks to UN summits needs to be supplemented by approaches that take into account national dynamics.

Each state, through participation in international relations, constantly strives to ensure and then maintain an appropriate level of security. Functioning in the environment of other countries, it must pursue many interests, thanks to which it guarantees its survival, but at the same time ensures comprehensive development. The security of citizens of each state depends on many factors, including geopolitical and military conditions. One of the most important factors guaranteeing both the stability of the state's constitutional order and the protection of its democratic values is political security. Ensuring it requires maintaining state structures in constant readiness in order to take up challenges, reduce threats and take advantage of opportunities in the political aspect. Closely related to this factor is military security, which concerns the relations between the state and the international environment, in which the military factor plays an important role. This requires maintaining the state's own military capacity as optimal as possible and participating in adequate military alliances to prevent threats. The security of Poland and the region is usually perceived in the context of our participation in the most important international organizations, such as: the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). However regional initiatives are equally important. The aim of the article is to analyze selected regional initiatives and their impact on ensuring Poland's military security.

This research examines family functionality, coping strategies, and social support to expound on marital stability in the Military Forces, challenged by the commissions that affect marital relationships. To this end, a survey was conducted with 255 physically separated maritally joined military men and women. Various instruments were used to measure the variables according to command, type of union, and marriage length. The results indicate a correlation between marital stability and family functionality, social support attainment, and spiritual support. The variable with the most significant impact on marital stability is family functionality. The military members with a de facto marital union reported greater stability than those with a religious or civil union. Thus, the family functionality of military personnel should be strengthened to support their marital stability. ; Esta investigación busca explicar la estabilidad marital en las Fuerzas Militares a partir de la funcionalidad familiar, las estrategias de afrontamiento y el apoyo social, ante los desafíos de la misionalidad que afectan las relaciones maritales. Para ello se hizo una encuesta a 255 hombres y mujeres militares con una relación marital y separados físicamente. Se midieron las variables, según mando, el tipo de unión y los años de matrimonio, mediante varios instrumentos. Los resultados indican una correlación entre la estabilidad marital y la funcionalidad familiar, la obtención de apoyo social y el apoyo espiritual. La variable que más incide en la estabilidad marital es la funcionalidad familiar. Los militares con unión marital de hecho reportaron mayor estabilidad que los de unión religiosa o civil.

The purpose of this contribution is to clarify some aspects of the potential risks associated with the use of artificial intelligence for military purposes. In particular: (1) Analyze the limitations of "engineering safety" approaches concerning to Artificial Intelligent agents for military applications; (2) Detect eventual biases in risks assessment in the field; (3) Develop a case-study research on autonomous weapons / LAWs (in military context as a benchmark); (4) Extrapolate results and conclusion to civil/industrial AI agents. Work in progress (v.2) - Version 1: 2017 (https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2536719) ; This contribution includes some developments of aspects addressed in the following items: (A) Moreno Muñoz, M. (2016): La inteligencia artificial como tecnología de mejora humana y el debate sobre sus aplicaciones de doble uso. Comunicación en: Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Española de Ética y Filosofía Política (AEEFP): "XVIII Semana de Ética y Filosofía Política: Desafíos públicos". Universidad de Córdoba, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, 13-15 de enero de 2016. [http://hdl.handle.net/10481/39490 | https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2538316]; (B) Moreno Muñoz, M. (2017): The viability of 'embedded Ethics' in robotic military systems without humans in the decision loop. Comunicación en: Zagreb Applied Ethics Conference 2017: The Ethics of Robotics and Artificial Intelligence. Matica hrvatska, Zagreb (Croatia), 5-7 June 2017. Organiza: Society for Advancement of Philosphy. [http://hdl.handle.net/10481/46869 | https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2536719]; (C) Moreno Muñoz, M. (2016): "Riesgos asociados al desarrollo de robots autónomos dotados de inteligencia artificial avanzada en contexto civil y militar". Ensayos de Filosofía, nº 3, 2016/1: 1-12. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2561397.

En este artículo se exponen las primeras reformas militares que Emil Körner dirigió durante el gobierno de José Manuel Balmaceda en el seno de las institu- ciones de educación militar de Chile; asimismo se argumenta que éstas, además de ser superficiales e inapropiadas, fracasaron al cabo de poco tiempo. Se expone, también, la existencia de un grupo de reformas militares (inspiradas en la experiencia propia y en modelos militares diferentes al prusiano) concebidas por algunos miembros de la alta oficialidad chilena a fin de controlar la crisis en la que se hallaban las fuerzas terrestres de aquel país. Por último, se sugieren algunos argumentos en torno a la imposibilidad para llevar a la práctica estas reformas y al predominio, tras la guerra civil de 1891, del modelo prusiano.The Reform of the Chilean Land Forces during José Manuel Balmaceda's Government: Emil Körner's Initial FailureThis article deals with the first military reforms that Emil Körner set in motion in Chile's military educational institutions, during José Manuel Balmaceda's government. It argues that these reforms, besides being superficial and inappro- priate, failed after a very short time. The text also analyses the existence of a group of military reforms (inspired by Körner's own experience and in military models other than that of Prussia) conceived by some members of the high Chilean officialdom in order to control the crisis in which they were the coun- try's land forces found themselves. Finally, some arguments are put forward as to the impossibility to put these reforms into practice and therefore to the prevalence, after the civil war of 1891, of the Prussian pattern.

En este artículo se exponen las primeras reformas militares que Emil Körner dirigió durante el gobierno de José Manuel Balmaceda en el seno de las institu- ciones de educación militar de Chile; asimismo se argumenta que éstas, además de ser superficiales e inapropiadas, fracasaron al cabo de poco tiempo. Se expone, también, la existencia de un grupo de reformas militares (inspiradas en la experiencia propia y en modelos militares diferentes al prusiano) concebidas por algunos miembros de la alta oficialidad chilena a fin de controlar la crisis en la que se hallaban las fuerzas terrestres de aquel país. Por último, se sugieren algunos argumentos en torno a la imposibilidad para llevar a la práctica estas reformas y al predominio, tras la guerra civil de 1891, del modelo prusiano.The Reform of the Chilean Land Forces during José Manuel Balmaceda's Government: Emil Körner's Initial FailureThis article deals with the first military reforms that Emil Körner set in motion in Chile's military educational institutions, during José Manuel Balmaceda's government. It argues that these reforms, besides being superficial and inappro- priate, failed after a very short time. The text also analyses the existence of a group of military reforms (inspired by Körner's own experience and in military models other than that of Prussia) conceived by some members of the high Chilean officialdom in order to control the crisis in which they were the coun- try's land forces found themselves. Finally, some arguments are put forward as to the impossibility to put these reforms into practice and therefore to the prevalence, after the civil war of 1891, of the Prussian pattern.

En este artículo se exponen las primeras reformas militares que Emil Körner dirigió durante el gobierno de José Manuel Balmaceda en el seno de las institu- ciones de educación militar de Chile; asimismo se argumenta que éstas, además de ser superficiales e inapropiadas, fracasaron al cabo de poco tiempo. Se expone, también, la existencia de un grupo de reformas militares (inspiradas en la experiencia propia y en modelos militares diferentes al prusiano) concebidas por algunos miembros de la alta oficialidad chilena a fin de controlar la crisis en la que se hallaban las fuerzas terrestres de aquel país. Por último, se sugieren algunos argumentos en torno a la imposibilidad para llevar a la práctica estas reformas y al predominio, tras la guerra civil de 1891, del modelo prusiano.The Reform of the Chilean Land Forces during José Manuel Balmaceda's Government: Emil Körner's Initial FailureThis article deals with the first military reforms that Emil Körner set in motion in Chile's military educational institutions, during José Manuel Balmaceda's government. It argues that these reforms, besides being superficial and inappro- priate, failed after a very short time. The text also analyses the existence of a group of military reforms (inspired by Körner's own experience and in military models other than that of Prussia) conceived by some members of the high Chilean officialdom in order to control the crisis in which they were the coun- try's land forces found themselves. Finally, some arguments are put forward as to the impossibility to put these reforms into practice and therefore to the prevalence, after the civil war of 1891, of the Prussian pattern.

Nos preocupa dilucidar la manera en que los militares de mayor rango hicieron propietarios en la sociedad de frontera (o viceversa, las posibilidades que ofrecía un cargo militar para acceder a la propiedad rural); redes sociales que establecieron; las disputas entre civiles y militares el control del territorio, de la población y por la primacía de su autoridad la resolución de conflictos. Este trabajo se concentra en el papel por las autoridades militares desde que se fundó Chascomús, 1779, y mientras fue asiento de las tropas que defendían la frontera (c.1815), incluyendo también el contrapunto entre los intereses locales y en la transición del Antiguo Régimen a la independencia. ; We are concerned to elucidate the way in which senior military became landowners in the frontier society (or vice versa, the possibilities offered by a military charge to access the rural-property); the social networks established; the disputes between the civil and military control of territory, population and the primacy of authority in resolving conflicts. This paper focuses on the role played by the military authorities since Chascomús was founded in 1779, and whereas was the seat of troops defending the frontier (c. 1815) including also the counterpoint between local and regional interests in the Ancient Regime transition to independence. ; Fil: Banzato, Guillermo Daniel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina

The article investigates the Lebanese-Israeli relations in the context of the Arab-Israeli confrontation. It notices that originally complicated disposition of the Lebanese-Israeli relations are largely characterized by «Palestinian factor». The development of the Lebanese-Israeli relations in the 1990s was closely linked to the military and political activities of the Shiite movement «Hezbollah». So, the article pays particular attention to the «Hezbollah» movement and its role in the development of the Lebanese-Israeli relations. The course of military operations and the results and features of the Lebanese-Israeli War of 2006 are illustrated in details. = Посвящена исследованию ливано-израильских отношений в контексте арабо-израильского противостояния. Отмечается, что первоначально сложный характер ливано-израильских отношений в значительной мере определялся «палестинским фактором». В 1990-е гг. развитие ливано-израильских отношений находилось в тесной связи с военно-политической деятельностью шиитского движения «Хезболла». Поэтому особое внимание уделяется движению «Хезболла» и его роли в развитии ливано-израильских отношений. Подробно освещены ход военных действий, результаты и особенности ливано-израильской войны 2006 г.