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The dynamics of peripheral capitalism in Latin America includes the employment or self-employment of a significant proportion of the working class under informal arrangements. The neoliberal transformations of the 1990s deepened this feature of Latin American labor markets, and it was not reversed during the period of economic growth that followed the collapse of neoliberalism. In this context, sociological debates have focused on the relationship between the formal and the informal fractions of the working class. Examination of the biographical and family linkages between formal and informal workers in Argentina and the effect of these connections on the patterns of class self-identification of individuals shows that lived experience across the informality boundary makes formal workers similar to informal workers in terms of class self-identification. This research provides preliminary evidence that the two kinds of workers belong to the same social class because of the fluidity of the boundary that separates them. Instead of a class cleavage, this boundary is better defined as the separation between fractions of the working class.La dinámica del capitalismo periférico en América Latina implica la informalidad laboral (sea entre trabajadores contratados o autónomos) de una sustancial parte de la clase obrera. Las transformaciones neoliberales de los años noventa profundizaron esta característica de los mercados de trabajo latinoamericanos, y el problema no se revirtió durante el período de crecimiento económico que siguió al colapso del neoliberalismo. En este contexto, los debates sociológicos se han centrado en la relación entre los grupos formales e informales de la clase obrera. Un análisis de los vínculos biográficos y familiares entre los trabajadores formales e informales en Argentina y el efecto de dichas conexiones en los patrones individuales de autoidentificación de clase muestra que la experiencia vivida en los límites de la informalidad hace que los trabajadores formales se consideren similares a los informales en términos de identificación de clase. Esta investigación brinda evidencia preliminar de que los dos tipos de trabajadores pertenecen a la misma clase social.

Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Figures -- Introduction -- 1 Democratic Brocialism -- 2 Identity Politics Is Class Politics -- 3 Progressive Neoliberalism -- 4 Post-politics -- 5 Outline of the Book -- Chapter 1 What Does the Professional-Managerial Class Want? -- 1 From the New Deal to the New Democrats -- 2 A Stratum without an Ideology -- 3 The Fall of the Liberal Class and the Rise of the Far Right -- 4 Left Populism as Compromise Formation -- 5 The Wages of Wokeness -- Chapter 2 Bernie Beats Trump, Clinton and Obama Beat Bernie -- 1 Millennials Feel the Bern -- 2 Whose Revolution? Whose Party? -- 3 Malarkey -- Chapter 3 Elective Affinities -- 1 Your Candidate Here -- 2 I'm Bernie Sanders and I Approve This Message -- 3 The Difference That Universalism Makes -- Chapter 4 Less than Bernie -- 1 I Know There Is No Democracy, but I Choose to Ignore -- 2 I Can't Breathe -- 3 Sectarians, Splitters and Fellow Travelers -- 4 When I Hear the Word Culture, I Reach for the Political Economy -- 5 Role Model Ideology -- Conclusion -- 1 The Bipartisan Endgame -- 2 Meanwhile, Back in Wokeville -- 3 Political Revolution Inside -- Bibliography -- Index.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part One Thinking Race -- 1 Thirteen Ways of Looking at a Black Man -- 2 I'm Black, You're White, Who's Innocent? -- 3 The Scar of Race -- 4 The Paradox of Integration: Why Whites and Blacks Seem So Divided -- 5 One Man's March -- Part Two The Black Underclass -- 6 Victims and Heroes in the "Benevolent State," -- 7 Clarence X -- 8 The Chronicle of the Slave Scrolls -- 9 Who Shot Johnny? -- 10 The Truly Disadvantaged -- 11 All in the Family: Illegitimacy and Welfare Dependence -- 12 Counting Asians -- 13 American Apartheid: The Perpetuation of the Underclass -- Part Three Assimilation and Identity in a Multicultural Society -- 14 The Souls of Black Folk -- 15 Race Matters -- 16 Group Autonomy and Narrative Identity -- 17 Ethnic Transgressions -- 18 The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society -- 19 A Different Mirror -- List of Credits -- About the Book and Editors -- About the Contributors

Why do people from privileged class backgrounds often misidentify their origins as working class? We address this question by drawing on 175 interviews with those working in professional and managerial occupations, 36 of whom are from middle-class backgrounds but identify as working class or long-range upwardly mobile. Our findings indicate that this misidentification is rooted in a self-understanding built on particular 'origin stories' which act to downplay interviewees' own, fairly privileged, upbringings and instead forge affinities to working-class extended family histories. Yet while this 'intergenerational self' partially reflects the lived experience of multigenerational upward mobility, it also acts – we argue – as a means of deflecting and obscuring class privilege. By positioning themselves as ascending from humble origins, we show how these interviewees are able to tell an upward story of career success 'against the odds' that simultaneously casts their progression as unusually meritocratically legitimate while erasing the structural privileges that have shaped key moments in their trajectory.

AbstractWhile social class served as a powerful organizing identity for much of the 19th and 20th centuries, many doubt its contemporary relevance. This article examines the formation and development of theories of class identity over the past century. From a debate largely among Marxists in the early 20th century about the conditions under which the working class will mobilize to defend its interests – moving from a "class in itself" to a "class for itself" – the question of the relationship between individuals' class position, social interests, and political mobilization attracted greater attention among social scientists following World War II. However, postwar socioeconomic transformations led some to argue for the "death of class" as a central organizing principle for modern social and political life. While others countered that class identities remained relevant, the sharp decline in class‐based organization in the late 20th century led scholars to develop more nuanced understandings of the relationship between individuals' class position and collective identities. Although current scholarship shows that there is no natural translation of class identities into collective action, the reality of growing socioeconomic inequality, along with the resurgence of social and political mobilizations to contest that growth, suggests that class identities retain the capacity to unite.

The sources, meaning and political implications of class identity are conditional on national context, reflecting the relative importance of cultural (status-related) versus economic (resource-related) influences on class identification. Unlike Danes, the majority of Britons continue to identify as working-class. This difference between the two societies is robust across the span of 50 years of survey data analysed. It is unrelated to national variations in inequality, reflecting instead the far larger influence of an ascriptive source of identity, class origins, in Britain compared with Denmark, where current class remains the primary influence. The two societies in turn differ in the extent to which class identity is associated with economic or cultural politics. In Denmark, working class identification is associated with endorsement of redistribution, in Britain it is associated with opposition to immigration. High levels of working-class identification in Britain therefore provide an augmented constituency for the radical right rather than the left.

The political influence of the urban middle class (UMC) on US policy making is empirically investigated using a multiple-perspectives framework on policy outcomes & data from a cross-national sample of 42 urban transit agencies in large metropolitan areas. Analyses reveal the importance of the UMC on three hypothesized policy outcomes: strategic organizational effectiveness, operational efficiency, & social program effectiveness. Specifically, the greater the proportion of UMC individuals in an agency's service population, the more effective is the agency. The importance of the UMC factor over political power variables is also demonstrated for two out of the three policy outcomes. 3 Tables, 66 References. K. Hyatt Stewart