Suchergebnisse

En el Ecuador, aproximadamente 72% de niños, niñas y adolescentes estudian en el sistema público. Dentro de ese porcentaje se constata el deterioro de la educación que reciben y que les resta oportunidades para competir en la sociedad del conocimiento, lo que no solo repercute en sus proyectos de vida individual y familiar, sino también en la sociedad en general al no contar con ciudadanos competitivos, críticos y dotados de las lógicas que les permitan gerencia el conocimiento y arribar a la ciencia y la tecnología. Así lo demuestran los decrecientes resultados del único sistema de medición de logros académicos con que contó el Ecuador desde 1996 hasta 2000, paradójicamente, nuestras autoridades, en lugar de dar alternativas urgentes, trataron de ocultar esa realidad y descontinuaron la aplicación del sistema. En el escenario actual se constata el impulso al Plan Decenal de Educación que, bajo la iniciativa del Ministerio de Educación, se analiza y busca consenso entre diferentes actores en el país. Sin embargo, de continuarse con el vigente sistema centralizado, sin rendición de cuentas y sin participación de los actores educativos, en especial los padres de familia, líderes comunitarios y autoridades locales, será muy poco lo que se logre, puesto que el impedimento mayor es justamente el sistema centralista y obsoleto. En este contexto, Fundación Ecuador aporta con una propuesta de Modelo de Gestión de Gobiernos Locales para una Educación Básica de Calidad, para que se convierta en política de estado destinada a establecer articulaciones y alianzas estratégicas entre el Ministerio de Educación y los gobiernos locales. Propuesta de política de educación básica: "Modelo de gestión de gobiernos locales para una educación básica de calidad" La propuesta que Fundación Ecuador hace al país tiene como propósito "facilitar un proceso de gestión y estructuras organizacionales que permitan al Ministerio de Educación (MEC) y a los gobiernos locales aportar eficientemente en el desarrollo socioeducativo de las comunidades". Se constata que los aportes más significativos de los últimos años, en términos de progreso y desarrollo de las poblaciones de nuestro país, provienen de los gobiernos locales, en contraste con el deterioro cada vez mayor del sistema centralista de gobierno. Un escenario a favor de la presente propuesta es justamente la Constitución de la República, que establece como mandatos:- Incorporación en su gestión de estrategias de descentralización y desconcentración, administrativas, financieras y pedagógicas. Participación de padres de familia, comunidad, maestros y educandos en el desarrollo de los procesos educativos. Además, con la aprobación de la Ley de Descentralización, en 1999, los gobiernos locales pueden solicitar al gobierno central los recursos y la responsabilidad de proveer los servicios públicos, como son la educación y la salud. En nuestro país se ha dado poca importancia a los sectores sociales para potenciar el capital humano y, como lo señala UNICEF, pese al crecimiento experimentado a partir de 2000, el gasto social se ha reducido casi a la mitad entre 1982 y 2005. El Ecuador gasta anualmente por habitante 131 dólares en inversión social, mientras el promedio regional es de 540 dólares por persona/año. Si la Educación es una inversión, entonces se requiere no solamente declarar que lo es, sino de la implantación de un modelo de gestión que permita identificar carencias y atenderlas de manera planificada. Atención, participación y transparencia deberán ser los componentes ineludibles en un proceso sistemático de mejoramiento de la calidad de la educación que se ofrece a los niños y jóvenes del país. En este sentido, consideramos que el Modelo de Gestión Educativa de Gobiernos Locales permitiría iniciar la transformación requerida y controlar la inversión desde parámetros de calidad. Calidad: al insertarse en una estructura organizacional que le permita al gobierno local invertir bajo la lógica de planeación estratégica y racionalidad de proyectos, con estándares de calidad a nivel administrativo y pedagógico. · Participación y control: al constituirse Comités de Gestión Educativa municipales y en cada escuela, de manera que los actores educativos y padres de familia puedan participar de la consecución de los planes estratégicos para mejorar la educación en su comunidad y en el control de la inversión de recursos. Descentralización y manejo de recursos: esta propuesta permitirá al gobierno local prepararse para asumir competencias en educación en el marco de las leyes que lo facultan. Dichas competencias solo pueden ser asumidas por un gobierno local dispuesto a rendir cuentas a su comunidad y al país, desde la rectoría de un MEC que promueva y determine que los municipios que quieran asumir competencias en educación cuenten con: Diagnóstico situacional de la calidad educativa de su territorio. Plan Estratégico del componente educativo, altamente participativo y que involucre la participación de los actores educativos, sociales y productivos de la comunidad para establecer objetivos y metas de interés comunitario en educación. Sistema de Participación: dedicado a canalizar la participación de padres de familia y actores educativos a través de Comités de Gestión Educativa en los municipios y escuelas, con funciones de veeduría, de planificación, gestión y evaluación en la consecución de los planes y proyectos. Diseño de estructuras organizacionales que generen un cambio en la atención al sector educativo, de manera que los gobiernos locales cuenten con un sistema de indicadores de calidad y proyectos que les permitan invertir estratégicamente en educación de calidad. Modelo de gestión de gobiernos locales para una educación básica de calidad. La implantación del Modelo propuesto requiere, a nivel pedagógico y administrativo, de un MEC altamente regulador que defina los estándares de calidad a fin de que los recursos invertidos por los municipios y/o asignados por el propio Ministerio consoliden un sistema nacional de educación de calidad. Así también, se requiere la definición de un Sistema de Capacitación a Maestros que les permita el manejo adecuado de los contenidos curriculares y el desarrollo de habilidades básicas en aspectos centrales del currículo, aspectos pedagógicos y didácticos.1 Fundación Ecuador, a través de la propuesta de intervención de los gobiernos locales en la consecución de una educación básica de calidad en sus respectivas localidades, propone un Modelo de Gestión que –a través de sus componentes– permita superar a corto plazo los problemas y debilidades planteados en los estudios diagnósticos desarrollados en 1996 y 2006, a fin de que se generen:· Equidad: en la medida en que se implante el modelo en los municipios ubicados en las zonas de mayor pobreza y con mayores desventajas para los niños y niñas escolares con niveles de explicación . Tomando en cuenta los antecedentes, en nuestra institución una de las primeras funciones que incumben a la educación consiste en lograr que la humanidad en su dimensión personal y colectiva pueda dirigir su desarrollo, para responder a su misión fundamentalmente humanista, y a las necesidades de desarrollo social. Y nada más expresivo en esta tarea para la Institución que una GESTION ACADÉMICA que influya en el MODELO DE LIDERAZGO ESTUDIANTIL, pertinente a su condición y naturaleza social de los docent@s y niñ@s de la Escuela Angel Polibio Chavéz ,aplicar las mejores estrategias y conseguir un mejor accionar educativo y una convivencia comunitaria de la provincia. ; In Ecuador, approximately 72% of children and teenagers studying in the public system. Within that percentage deterioration of the education they receive is found and subtracted them opportunities to compete in the knowledge society, which not only affects their projects of individual and family life, but also in society in general by not having competitive citizens, critical and logical equipped to enable them to arrive management knowledge and science and technology. This is demonstrated by the diminishing returns of the unique system of measurement of academic achievement with which featured the Ecuador from 1996-2000, paradoxically, our authorities, rather than give urgent alternatives, they tried to hide that reality and discontinued the application of the system. In the current scenario the urge to Ten Year Education Plan, under the initiative of the Ministry of Education, discusses and seeks consensus among different actors in the country notes. However, continued with the existing centralized system without accountability and without the participation of educational stakeholders, especially parents, community leaders and local authorities, will be very little is achieved, as the biggest impediment is just the centralist and outdated system. In this context, Ecuador Foundation contributes to a proposed Management Model Local Governments for Quality Basic Education, so that it becomes a state policy aimed at establishing joint and strategic alliances between the Ministry of Education and local governments. Proposal for basic education policy: "Management model of local governments for basic quality education" The proposal makes the country Ecuador Foundation aims to "facilitate a process of management and organizational structures to enable the Ministry of Education (MEC) and local governments to contribute effectively in the social and educational development of the communities." It is found that the most significant contributions in recent years, in terms of progress and development of the peoples of our country come from local governments, in contrast to the increasing deterioration of the centralist system of government. A scenario in favor of this proposal is precisely the Constitution of the Republic, which establishes mandates: - Incorporation into management strategies of decentralization and deconcentration, administrative, financial and pedagogical. Involvement of parents, community, teachers and students in the development of educational processes. In addition, with the approval of the Decentralization Law, in 1999, local governments can ask the central government resources and the responsibility to provide public services, such as education and health. Our country has given little thought to the social sectors to promote human capital and, as noted by UNICEF, despite the growth experienced since 2000, social spending has been reduced by nearly half between 1982 and 2005. Ecuador spends $ 131 per capita social investment, while the regional average is $ 540 per person / year. If education is an investment, then it is required not only to state that it is, but the implementation of a management model to identify deficiencies and address them in a planned way. Attention, participation and transparency must be the unavoidable components in a systematic process of improving the quality of education that children and youth in the country is offered. In this regard, we believe that the Educational Management Model Local Government would initiate the required processing and control the investment from quality parameters. Quality: to be inserted in an organizational structure that allows the local government to invest in the strategic planning logic and rationality of projects with quality standards at the administrative and pedagogical level. · Participation and control: to become municipal committees and Educational Management at each school, so that the educational actors and parents can participate in the implementation of strategic plans to improve education in his community and in the control of investment resource. Decentralization and resource management: this proposal will allow local government to prepare to assume responsibility for education within the framework of the laws that empower. Those powers can only be assumed by a local government willing to be accountable to their community and the country, from the rectory of a MEC to promote and determined that municipalities who want to take responsibility for education provided with: Situation assessment of educational quality of its territory. Strategic Plan of the educational component, highly participatory and involve the participation of educational, social and productive players in the community to establish goals and objectives of Community interest in education. Participation system: dedicated to channel the participation of parents and education stakeholders through education management committees in municipalities and schools, with oversight functions, planning, management and evaluation in achieving plans and projects. Design organizational structures that generate a change in the attention to the educational sector so that local governments have a system of quality indicators and projects that allow them to strategically invest in quality education. Management model of local governments for basic quality education. The implementation of the proposed model requires, to pedagogical and administrative level, a highly regulatory MEC defining quality standards so that the resources invested by the municipalities and / or assigned by the Ministry itself consolidate a national system of quality education . Also, the definition of a Teacher Training System that allows them the proper handling of the curriculum and the development of basic skills in key aspects of the curriculum, pedagogical issues is required and didácticos.1 Ecuador Foundation, through the proposed intervention of local governments in achieving quality basic education in their respective localities, proposes a management model that -through its components to overcome short-term problems and weaknesses raised in developed diagnostic studies in 1996 and 2006, in order to generate: · Fairness: to the extent that the model is implemented in the municipalities located in the poorest areas and most disadvantaged children to school with levels of explanation. Taking into account the background, in our institution one of the first functions assigned to education is to make mankind in their personal and collective dimension can direct their development, to meet its fundamentally humanistic mission, and social development needs . And nothing more expressive in this task for academic management institution to influence the MODEL STUDENT LEADERSHIP, relevant to their status and social nature of the docent @ s children s School Polybius Angel Chavez, applying the best strategies and get a better education actions and community life of the province.

Para la comprensión de la importancia que ha poseído y posee la interacción entre historia y economía podemos introducir a un gran economista nacido en Turquía, que ha estudiado en Inglaterra y que enseña en EE.UU. El genial Daron Acemoglu muy posiblemente reciba el Premio Nobel de Economía en algún momento de los próximos 30 años. Acemoglu nació en 1967 (cumplirá apenas 45 años el próximo 3 de septiembre), obtuvo su grado en economía (1989) en la Universidad de York (Inglaterra), su master (1990) y doctorado (1992) en el London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). Su tesis doctoral se tituló "Essays in Microfoundations of Macroeconomics: Contracts and Economic Performance". En LSE fue lecturer en Economía en 1992 y 1993 y desde entonces enseña en el prestigioso Massachusetts Institute of Technology (M.I.T)El programa de investigación del profesor Acemoglu tiene un hito en dos influyentes artículos: "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation", escrito en co-autoría con los profesores Simon Johnson y James A. Robinson en 2001 (1) y "Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution", escrito también con Johnson y Robinson, en el año 2002 (2). Estos dos trabajos tienen una clara vinculación con su último libro, "Why Nations fails, the origins of power, prosperity and poverty" (3) (http://whynationsfail.com/). En ese lapso el autor ha desarrollado un notable programa de investigación donde ha logrado articular una hipótesis principal: ni la geografía ni el clima ni la raza ni la religión explican la prosperidad y la pobreza. En cambio, ellas se explican por las instituciones o reglas de juego.La relevancia que ha tenido "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development" en su carrera académica queda reflejada en las sucesivas respuestas a críticas recibidas tanto en notas de opinión como en otros artículos académicos. En su CV aparece como último trabajo una de estas respuestas ("Hither Thou Shalt Come, But No Further - Reply to The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development - An Empirical Investigation" - Comment, forthcoming American Economic Review. Nuevamente, en coautoría con Simon Johnson y James Robinson). Allí es posible ver la variedad de temas y enfoques del autor. También es posible ver en su CV que dentro de sus campos de interés o "Fields of interest" no hay menciones a la disciplina de la historia, ciencia política o análisis institucional. Acemoglu sostiene que sus campos de interés son "Political Economy, Economic Development, Economic Growth, Economic Theory, Technology, Income and Wage Inequality, Human Capital and Training, Labor Economics, Network Economics". Notablemente, uno de los mas importantes historiadores económicos contemporáneos no menciona este área como parte de su carrera académica.La singularidad de su programa de investigación es que para articular la hipótesis sobre el papel de las instituciones en la prosperidad, que en si misma no es particularmente original, recorre un camino analítico donde conjuga historia y economía. Allí radica la novedad de un programa de investigación que en su esencia alcanza conclusiones mayormente conocidas. Como mencionamos, se puede prosperar en sociedades católicas, budistas o protestantes y se puede sucumbir en sociedades situadas geográficamente sobre el Ecuador, cercanas o lejanas al mismo. Sin embargo, es difícil prosperar con instituciones o reglas de juego que, en el largo plazo, consoliden una dinámica extractiva, donde los actores principales sean ineficientes para innovar y eficientes en la captura de recursos.Un punto central en su programa de investigación lo termina de definir en el mencionado último trabajo, "Why Nations Fail". Allí Acemoglu hace hincapié en la existencia en la historia de sociedades que pueden prosperar por un lapso de tiempo a pesar de la aparición y consolidación de instituciones extractivas. Menciona ejemplos tan diversos como las sociedades mayas y el proceso que lleva de la República al Imperio en Roma. Contemporáneamente, introduce como ejemplo a la Unión Soviética y remarca que la experiencia de la China comunista se asienta sobre una lógica extractiva que, en algún momento, la llevará al estancamiento.¿Cuáles son las instituciones extractivas? Aquellas que establecen reglas de juego donde un pequeño grupo de personas logra distribuir los recursos existentes desde otros hacia ellos y, mas importante aún, logra hacerlo eficientemente. La eficiencia en la captura es clave para generar un escenario con cierto grado de estabilidad en el mediano plazo.Sin embargo, es necesario marcar un punto central donde el corto-medio y medio-largo plazo se tocan y generan una tensión analítica relevante para el estudio de la historia económica y de los procesos políticos: las instituciones extractivas pueden permanecer mas allá del corto-mediano plazo cuanto mas alto sea el stock inicial de capital acumulado por la sociedad en cuestión, tanto en los procesos inclusivos pasados (capital humano) como en los procesos inclusivos contemporáneos. Es decir, la diferencia principal entre la estabilidad en el tiempo de la experiencia maya y la experiencia de la china comunista contemporánea podría ser que el stock de recursos acumulado por la sociedad china a partir, básicamente, de la importación desde occidente de bienes y servicios inclusivos, genera un colchón lo suficientemente amplio como para sostener sus instituciones extractivas.En este sentido, la notable hipótesis de Acemoglu podría enfrentar una anomalía: a la par de las instituciones extractivas que ha desarrollado el opaco régimen comunista chino han convivido instituciones inclusivas tácitas que son, básicamente, aquellas que informalmente ha importado el nuevo modelo chino desde su apertura en 1978. A diferencia de los mayas y romanos, que no importaban instituciones del resto del mundo o lo hacían en menor medida, la china comunista ha incorporado tácita y espontáneamente instituciones inclusivas de occidente que hacen posible mantener en el tiempo las complejas instituciones extractivas que ha desarrollado y consolidado desde mediados del siglo XX.Desde otra perspectiva, podemos desarrollar el mismo argumento: el crecimiento en la productividad que ha mostrado la economía contemporánea (desde la revolución industrial en adelante y, mas particularmente, desde el fin de la segunda guerra) supone la existencia de un nuevo ciclo económico que ha hecho posible que los procesos puramente redistributivos o extractivos sean mas estables en el mediano plazo. Es decir, siguiendo la hipótesis de Acemoglu, es posible pensar un escenario en el mediano plazo donde la creciente prosperidad contribuya, ceteris paribus, a un creciente debilitamiento de los derechos de propiedad. En el extremo, en un mundo donde la escasez tendiera a cero, la correcta delimitación de derechos de propiedad tendría una importancia decreciente. Si fuera cierto que nos encontramos en una inédita era de la abundancia, podríamos sospechar que enfrentaremos en el corto-mediano plazo un escenario donde los derechos de propiedad "clásicos" pierdan relativamente su influencia o valor económico, ya que la mencionada abundancia haría que la aparición de una crisis (que en parte son una consecuencia (tautológica) de alguna forma de escasez) se retardara en el tiempo. Paso seguido, es necesario preguntarse si la llegada de esa inédita abundancia con la subsiguiente aparición de un ciclo económico mas largo no tendrá como contraparte la aparición de una crisis mas profunda. Es decir, si es que la abundancia ha disimulado ineficiencias, la pregunta relevante sería si, en cambio, esas ineficiencias no se han meramente acumuladoEl papel de las instituciones "extractivas" versus las inclusivas es clave en el programa de investigación que lleva a cabo Acemoglu. El concepto supone en si mismo un profundo conocimiento histórico y económico y, por otro lado, un particular interés en entender qué aportes podemos encontrar cuando sistematizamos ambas corrientes en lo que hoy denominamos "Historia Económica". Para Acemoglu, determinados conceptos, como el de "instituciones extractivas", suponen un punto de encuentro entre historia y economía porque la relación entre ambas deviene "análisis institucional". Siguiendo la noble tradición de Douglas North, Acemoglu ha enriquecido una corriente de pensamiento donde el estudio de la historia económica no busca claves ni históricas ni económicas sino claves institucionales. En esta escuela de pensamiento, el estudio de la historia económica deviene, por un lado, estudio de la historia de la evolución de las instituciones y, por otro lado, supone el estudio de la relación entre economía y derechos de propiedad.Sostiene Acemoglu que "extractive institutions are so common in history because they have a powerful logic: they can generate some limited prosperity while at the same time distributing it into the hands of a small elite. For this growth to happen, there must be political centralization. Once this is in place, the state-typically has incentives to invest and generate wealth, encourage others to invest so that the state can extract resources from them, and even mimic some of the processes that would normally be set in motion by inclusive eonomic institutions and markets. In the Caribbean plantation economies, extractive institutions took the form of the elite using coerción to forcé slaves to produce sugar. In the Soviet Union, they took of the comunist party reallocating resources from agricultura to industry and structuring some sort of incentives for managers and workers…" (4)Acemoglu, continuando la noble tradición de North, re-significa la historia económica para interpretarla en clave del papel de las instituciones en la prosperidad de las naciones. Es decir, para el autor determinadas series históricas brindarían mas rigurosidad a la comprensión del pasado porque nos ayudarían a entender mejor las instituciones o reglas de juego que permitieron la prosperidad o colapso de distintas sociedades. El papel de la moderna historia económica ha sido principalmente brindarle rigurosidad al estudio de las instituciones y solo secundariamente brindarle rigurosidad a la economía y sus diferentes ramas, como la econometría y estadística.La economía extractiva posee una dimensión institucional que puede ser pensada a partir del clásico concepto de "destrucción creativa", enunciado por el economista austríaco Joseph Schumpeter. Acemoglu hace sistemático hincapié en la oposición entre instituciones extractivas y destrucción creativa porque aquella genera reglas de juego que castigan el riesgo. La destrucción creativa schumpeteriana está inexorablemente ligada a la posibilidad de asumir un riesgo y privatizar tanto la hipotética ganancia como la hipotética pérdida. La lógica de las instituciones extractivas hacen que el riesgo que posee todo intento de innovación suponga para el innovador la privatización ante un posible fracaso y la colectivización ante el eventual éxito. El punto es relevante, y Acemoglu lo desarrolla brillantemente, porque aparece claro que en ese escenario es difícil incluso que intenten innovar aquellos que saben que, como en ellos reside el poder, serán capaces de apropiarse de las innovaciones exitosas y desprenderse de las innovaciones fracasadas. Es necesario aquí intentar profundizar al argumento de Acemoglu, incorporando para ello el rol comparativo que juegan las instituciones inclusivas que, como mencionamos, las economías extractivas pueden importar del resto del mundo. Este punto lo desarrollaremos en la tercera parte. Es possible acceder a una presentación de Acemoglu sobre su último libro en la Universidad de Scranton, en https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IRAkz13cpsk . Jared Diamond realiza una reseña del libro en el New York Reviews of Books (http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2012/jun/07/what-makes-countries-rich-or-poor/?pagination=false). Acemoglu y Robinson envían una carta de lectores en respuesta a la reseña y Diamond responde la carta en http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2012/aug/16/why-nations-fail/Referencias: (1) "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation", Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson y James A. Robinson The American Economic Review Vol. 91, No. 5 (Dec., 2001), pp. 1369-1401 (2)"Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution", Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson y James A. Robinson. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 117, No. 4 (Nov., 2002), pp. 1231-1294. Podemos citar el abstract de este trabajo : "Among countries colonized by European powers during the past 500 years, those that were relatively rich in 1500 are now relatively poor. We document this reversal using data on urbanization patterns and population density, which, we argue, proxy for economic prosperity. This reversal weighs against a view that links economic development to geographic factors. Instead, we argue that the reversal reflects changes in the institutions resulting from European colonialism. The European intervention appears to have created an "institutional reversal" among these societies, meaning that Europeans were more likely to introduce institutions encouraging investment in regions that were previously poor. This institutional reversal accounts for the reversal in relative incomes. We provide further support for this view by documenting that the reversal in relative incomes took place during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and resulted from societies with good institutions taking advantage of the opportunity to industrialize". Este notable trabajo puede leerse en parte como una respuesta crítica a la clásica tesis defendida por el profesor Jared Diamond en "Guns, germs and steel: the fates of human society" quién es el defensor mas prominente de la tesis que liga desarrollo y geografía. (3)Why Nations fails, the origins of power, prosperity and poverty", Crown Bussiness, 2012. En coautoria con James Robinson. (4)Acemoglu y Robinson, "Why Nations Fail", obra citada. Página 114. Sobre los autores Cristina Edbrook es Licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella-Argentina) y maestrando en Arquitectura Urbana (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)Pedro Isern es Profesor Depto. de Estudios Internacionales.FACS. Universidad ORT Uruguay.

Pierwszy globalny konflikt międzynarodowy w XX wieku doprowadził do rozbioru Turcji. Nowy układ sił usankcjonowany został wprowadzeniem systemu mandatowego będącego w rzeczywistości jedynie zawoalowaną formą kolonialnego charakteru zaboru arabskiej części tego państwa. Porozumienia między Wielką Brytanią i Francją dotyczące podziału stref wpływów na tym obszarze powierzało pieczę nad Mezopotamią władzom w Londynie. Umowa otwierała drogę do powstania na tym terytorium odrębnego państwa. Powołana przez Wielką Brytanię do życia monarchia iracka o powierzchni o 1/3 większej od obszaru dzisiejszej Polski była całkowicie sztucznym tworem politycznym, niewydzielonym tradycją historyczną konglomeratem etniczno–wyznaniowym, stanowiącym poza okręgami północnymi wykrojony z świata arabskiego fragment mający jedynie czytelną, opartą w przybliżeniu na kryterium narodowościowym granicę na wschodzie. Protektorzy i polityczni budowniczowie tego quasi–państwa, desygnując na tron króla Fajsala, ustanawiając powolne rządy i sterując procesem legislacyjnym, zapewnili tu sobie niemal nieograniczone wpływy . Nadzorowali politykę zagraniczną i obronną Iraku, a przede wszystkim tutejsze złoża ropy naftowej. Zmagania zbrojne II wojny światowej wykazały, jak bardzo ważne dla odniesienia sukcesu militarnego było zapewnienie nieograniczonego dostępu do źródeł tego surowca. Międzynarodowa ranga Iraku wyraźnie wzrosła. Zawiadywanie znajdującymi się na jego terytorium zasobami naturalnymi nabrało teraz dodatkowo zupełnie nowego, nie w pełni docenianego dotąd pozaekonomicznego wymiaru. Stały się one bowiem elementem strategicznym. Równie istotne zaczęło być samo położenie geopolityczne tego kraju. Oba te faktory, łącząc się w jedną całość, czyniły Irak niezwykle ważnym państwem bliskowschodnim. Posiadanie dominujących w nim wpływów pozwalało kształtować nie tylko rozmiary produkcji ropy ale przez długie lata ze względu na istniejącą infrastrukturę także cały prowadzony za pośrednictwem rurociągów transfer naftowy do arabskich portów Zatoki Perskiej i Morza Śródziemnego. W konsekwencji Irak pozostawał w ścisłym spektrum zainteresowania światowych mocarstw, a za takie uchodzić będą tu: Wielka Brytania, Stany Zjednoczone, Związek Radziecki oraz przez wzgląd na silne wpływy w świecie arabskim także Francja. Rezultaty agresywnej polityki tych potęg wobec Iraku, całkowicie determinujące sytuację i stan stosunków międzynarodowych w skali makroregionalnej a pośrednio globalnej, z różnych względów nie zostały jednak dotąd opracowane. Podstawowym celem badawczym pracy było zatem ustalenie wpływu, jaki wywierała w analizowanym okresie polityka mocarstw na sytuację wewnętrzną i zewnętrzną Iraku, a także ukazanie konsekwencji zajmowanego wobec tego państwa stanowiska dla stanu istniejących stosunków w obszarze Bliskiego i Środkowego Wschodu oraz globalnych relacji międzynarodowych. ; The analysis of the material confirms a wide range of political actions lead by Great Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union towards Iraq. The main reasons for such a state of affairs were Iraq's geopolitical location, and rich and easy to develop Iraqi oil fields. It was also the infrastructure enabling transit of home stock to Mediterranean ports and, in prospect, sending oil of Saudi, Kuwaian and Irani origin forward. As a result, in the time of post-war monarchy (1945 – 1958) Iraq was completely deprived of any influence on forming its own internal situation and international position. In the first case, the existence of such a situation was clearly expressed by the court's dependence on Great Britain and personal relationships between the king's family and the members of the government, and local political establishment. A similar evidence of inability to make independent decisions was Iraqi political parties financed by British and American groups of interest. They also manipulated, through the Iraqi offices, the work of both local legislatures and, at the same time, they helped each succeeding Baghdad cabinet in every respect. An equally obvious proof of Iraqi government dependence was their consultations on home affairs with representatives of Downing Street and the White House, as well as British forces stationing in Iraq and American military presence. Much the same should be judged from the fact that the basic branches of economy were under control of companies representing former mandatories and the treaties signed at that time. The external supervision reached even the political underground, which was kept under surveilance and secretely supported by the Soviet Union. Iraq was made a centre of British influence in the region, and was given a crucial role in all preparations to accomplish projects serving to restore British influence in the Middle East, which also shows Iraq's independence in the sphere of political relations. Equally visible symptom of this phenomenon was dubious attitude of Iraqi government during Sues Crisis. It included providing with weapon and fuel for planes taking off British airports to shell Egypt, protection for oil instalation and oil pipelines, planning Syria neutralization in the case it took any offensive actions against Israel – clearly contrasting to attitude of other Arabian countries. We can give the same explanation to Iraqi membership in Baghdad Pact strictly connected with the rest of British plans to get back the domination in the Middle East. The strong influence of western powers, especially Great Britain, on Iraqi government contributed significantly to support of political tension in the Middle East. Returning attempts to accomplish the Fertile Crescent unification under rule of probritish Hashimids favouring monopolization of oil transit towards Mediterranean coast destabilized the situation in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan making even Kuwait an object of potential expansion. These attempts also met a firm counteraction of remaining powers and authorities in Kuwait and Riyadh, which were unfavorable to british-iraqi aspirations. A seroius consequence of subjecting Iraq to strong external pressure, apart from ruinous results for stabilisation, was its destructive influence on the process of political integration of the Arabian world. It efficiently hampered introduction of existing unification ideas, which lay in the interest of each power. It is also worth to pay attention to the consequences of Iraqi membership in Baghdad Pact. Through the influence of western powers it became one of the bases of antirussian military pact by breaking the existing east Arabian neutrality and making it a new front of the Cold War confrontation. The changes in external situation and international Iraq position brought about by the revolution of July 14, 1958, were not only the effect of the Soviet Union's actions. Each power applied a completely different policy towards Iraq. The division lines of existing rivalry for this country were drawn not only along the standing bipolar confrontation border between east and west but first of all within the sphere of this last pole. Great Britain and the United States cooperation was limited to a very small range of issues. Political activity of American administration during presidencies of H. Truman and D. D. Eisenhower in relation to Iraq was directed towards changing the face of things in that country and replacing British interests by American ones. It proved totally inefficient. By destroying the existing balance it contributed significantly to loss of American influence, and, unable fill the empty space, it only prepared the political ground for Soviet penetration in Iraq. The Cremlin supported Arabian aspirations favouring independence. As a result, the western powers were deprived of their previous possibilities to influence this country. The revolution raised Iraqi independence on a new quality status. During the first decade of the republican government (1958 – 1967) the world powers retained their significant influence on Iraq. They interfered into the country's affairs in two ways: through economic relations and through oppositional groups. Both forms of the pressure used turned out to be very effective and forced the local government to take into consideration interests of Great Britain and the Soviet Union when making any decisions important for the country. The strength of this reaction was reflected in both trade deals, and mass riots and demonstrations started by Kurds. As a result not only the country's international position but its internal affairs as well were defined by the policy of the world powers towards Iraq. Pains of Iraqi leaders aimed at weakening the relations which cramped the country's independence were stopped by their deaths. A.K. Kasim was murdered whereas S. A. Arif died in a mysterious plane crash, which shows the complexity of this problem. The main reason which let the world powers influence strongly the Republic of Iraq during the years of 1958 – 1967 were the huge debts of this country in the face of the eastern block, whereas its income – due to the way in which the concession treaties based on proportional share in oil sale were written – came from the western oil consortiums and depended on the level of production. It gave both sides unlimited possibilities of political manipulations. It was only the nationalization of the Iraq's biggest company– Iraq Petroleum Company - on July 1, 1972, and of some of the other oil giants – Mosul Petroleum Company, Standard Oil of New Jersey, Mobil Oil, Gulbekian and a significant part of Royal Dutch shares during the next year – together with steep crude oil price boost and introduction of embargo on its deliveries to western countries by Arabian countries that granted a unique opportunity for the then Iraqi regime to limit radically foreign influence for more than a quarter of a century. Резюме Анализ подтвердил широкий спектр политический действий, предпринимавшихся Великобританией, Соединенными Штатами и Советским Союзом в отношении Ирака. Главной причиной такой ситуации стало геополитическое положение Ирака, богатые, не представляющие трудностей при добыче нефтяные месторождения и инфраструктура, позволяющая транспортировать сырье к портам Средиземного моря, а в перспективе – пересылать нефть из Ирана, Кувейта и Саудовской Аравии. Итак, в период послевоенной монархии (1945–1958) Ирак был полностью лишен возможности оказывать влияние как на ситуацию внутри страны, так и на международное положение. В первом случае это выражалось в зависимости дворцовых кругов от Великобритании и личных связях королевской семьи и членов правительства Ирака c английским политическим истеблишментом. О невозможности самостоятельного принятия решений свидетельствует также финансирование английскими и американскими деловыми кругами иракских парламентских партий, манипуляция с их помощью деятельностью обеих законодательных палат и оказание всесторонней поддержки со стороны западных держав очередным иракским правительствам. Очевидным симптомом зависимости иракских властей были консультации с представителями Великобритании и США относительно внутриполитических проблем, размещение на своей территории английских вооруженных сил и присутствие постоянной американской военной миссии. Подобным же образом нужно, по всей видимости, расценивать и тот факт, что основная отрасль экономики оставалась под контролем компаний, представляющих интересы бывших мандатариев, а также относящееся к тому же времени заключение международных договоров. Внешний контроль простирался даже на политическое подполье, контролируемое и тайно финансируемое Советским Союзом. Значимым для подчиненного положения в сфере международных отношений было выделение Ираку роли центра английского воздействия в регионе и подготовки разнообразных проектов, имеющих целью восстановление влияния этой державы на Ближнем Востоке. Заметным симптомом названного явления стала неоднозначная позиция иракского правительства во время Суэцкого кризиса: снабжение оружием и топливом вылетающих с местных аэродромов для бомбардировки Египта британских самолетов, защита установок и нефтепроводов, планы нейтрализации Сирии в случае, если она вступит в войну против Израиля – все это ярко контрастировало с позицией остальных арабских государств. Подобным образом объясняется и проблема иракского участия в Багдадском Пакте, тесно связанная с британскими намерениями вернуть себе господство на Ближнем Востоке. Сильное влияние западных держав, особенно Великобритании, на иракское правительство способствовало поддержанию политической напряженности в ближневосточном регионе. Постоянные попытки осуществить объединение "Благодатного Полумесяца" под властью пробританской династии Хашимидов, содействовали монополизации транзита нефти к средиземноморскому побережью, дестабилизировали ситуацию в Сирии, Ливане и Иордании, превращая даже Кувейт в объект потенциальной экспансии. Одновременно попытки эти сталкивались с решительным противоборством остальных мировых держав, каирских и риядских властей, не приветствовавших британо-иракские планы. Серьезным последствием того, что Ирак подвергался сильному внешнему давлению, кроме пагубных для региональной стабилизации результатов, было сильное деструктивное влияние на процесс политической интеграции арабского мира. Оно успешно тормозило распространение объединительных концепций, что, как следует подчеркнуть, было выгодно каждой из держав. Необходимо обратить внимание и на последствия иракского участия в Багдадском Пакте: силами западных стран Ирак стал одной из опор антисоветского военного соглашения, нарушив существовавшую до сих пор нейтральность арабского востока и превратив его в новый фронт холодной войны. Перемены во внутренней ситуации и международном положении Ирака, пришедшие с революцией 14 июля 1958 года, не были результатом только лишь эффективных действий Советского Союза, что следует отметить со всей решительностью. Каждая держава осуществляла особую политику в отношении этого ближневосточного государства. Линии раздела влияния проходили не только вдоль существовавшей тогда биполярной конфронтации Восток – Запад, но, прежде всего, внутри самого последнего полюса. Великобритания и Соединенные Штаты сотрудничали только в очень ограниченной сфере вопросов. Дипломатическая деятельность американской администрации президентов Г. Трумэна и Д.Д. Эйзенхауэра по отношению к Ираку, ориентированная на осуществление "смены караула" в этой стране и замещение британских интересов своими собственными, оказалась совершенно безрезультатной. Нарушая установившееся равновесие, она в значительной степени способствовала потере британцами влияния, но, не сумев заполнить образовавшуюся пустоту, лишь приготовила политическую почву для советского проникновения в Ирак. Кремль в нужный момент поддержал стремление арабов к независимости, в результате чего западные державы оказались лишены прежних способов воздействия. Революция вывела иракскую суверенность на качественно новый уровень. В первой декаде республиканского правления (1958–1967) мировые державы продолжали оказывать значительное влияние на ситуацию в стране. Вмешательство во внутренние дела осуществлялось двумя способами: через использование экономических связей и оппозиционных группировок. Обе формы воздействия были весьма эффективны, заставляя местные власти при принятии важных для страны решений учитывать интересы Советского Союза или той же Великобритании. Силу этого воздействия отражали то торговые договора, то массовые беспорядки и демонстрации или курдские восстания. В результате не только международное положение Ирака, но и отношения внутри страны определялись позицией мировых держав. Старания иракских лидеров, направленные на ограничение связывающих самостоятельность страны факторов, обрывались с их смертью: А.К. Касем был убит, а А.С. Ариф погиб в авиакатастрофе, произошедшей при загадочных обстоятельствах, что, по сути, отражает уровень сложности проблемы. Основной причиной, позволяющей мировым державам оказывать сильное влияние на Иракскую Республику в 1958–1967 гг. были огромные задолженности государства восточному блоку, а полученные доходы, из-за формулировок концессионных договоров, опиравшихся на процентное участие в продаже нефти, шли от западных монополий и зависели от размера добычи. Это давало обеим сторонам неограниченные возможности политических манипуляций. Лишь национализация 1 июня 1972 года самого крупного на территории Ирака предприятия Иракской Нефтяной Компании, а через год и других видных представителей отрасли: Мосульской Нефтяной Компании, Standard Oil of New Jersy, Mobil Oil, Gulbelkian и значительной части капитала Royal Dutch при одновременном резком повышении цен на сырье и введении арабскими странами эмбарго на поставки в западные страны предоставило тогдашнему иракскому режиму исключительный шанс, чтобы радикально ограничить внешнее воздействие на более чем четверть века. ; Piotr Kwiatkiewicz

Esta contribución es una versión revisada, actualizada y sustancialmente ampliada del artículo del autor publicado bajo el título «La cultura epigráfica de la Hispania romana: inscripciones, auto-representación y orden social» en las dos ediciones del volumen Hispania. El legado de Roma, editadas por M. Almagro-Gorbea y J. M. Álvarez Martínez et alii en los años 1998 y 1999. El objetivo del estudio es dar una vista general de la historia de la cultura epigráfica de los romanos en la Península Ibérica a lo largo de casi mil años, con especial atención a problemas epigráficos tratados por el autor durante más de cuarenta años, de lo que resulta que en primer lugar se traten las inscripciones de la Hispania citerior, mientras que los epígrafes de la Baetica y de la Lusitania aparecen solamente de forma colateral. En el Imperio romano se conocen más de 400.000 inscripciones latinas. Unas 25.000 de ellas proceden de la Península Ibérica, donde su cantidad aumenta continuamente por nuevos hallazgos. Sin embargo, también la revisión de inscripciones conocidas ya desde hace mucho tiempo puede ofrecer nuevos conocimientos importantes. Entre los hallazgos epigráficos más recientes se encuentran documentos de gran importancia como la lex Irnitana, el nuevo fragmento de la lex Ursonensis, la Tabula Siarensis, el Senatus consultum de Cnaeo Pisone patre o últimamente el edicto de Augusto encontrado en El Bierzo y la lex rivi Hiberiensis. Para orientarse en la gran masa de la inscripciones de Hispania está justificada una nueva edicion del volumen II del Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (último fascículo aparecido: CIL II2, Pars XIV, Conventus Tarraconensis, Fasc. 2, Colonia Iulia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco, 2011). La más antigua inscripción lapidaria de la Hispania romana y de todo el Occidente romano es la inscripción dedicada a Menrva, es decir, a Minerva, en Tarraco durante la segunda guerra púnica. Son pocas, relativamente, las inscripciones hispanas pertenecientes a la época republicana, principalmente a sus últimos decenios; su concentración más importante se observa en Carthago Nova. Como consecuencia de la fundación de colonias y municipios bajo el reinado de Caesar, y en particular de Augusto, tuvo lugar un incremento notable de la cultura epigráfica de Hispania. Buenos ejemplos para el nacimiento y la difusión del epigraphic habit ofrecen, entre otras ciudades, Saguntum y Segobriga. En los fora de estos municipios, establecidos bajo Augusto, se encuentran inscripciones pavimentales con letras de bronce que fueron doradas, en consonancia con la difusión de esta nueva técnica epigráfica de la época augustea para glorificar la nueva aurea aetas; los fora y los demás edificios públicos se llenaron con inscripciones honorarias, grabadas en el pedestal de la estatuas de los emperadores, de los representantes del gobierno romano y de los miembros de las élites locales. Con frecuencia se pusieron monumentos sepulcrales, no sólo de los miembros de las capas superiores, sino también de los estratos sociales dependientes de la aristocracia, incluso de sus libertos y esclavos que, como los estratos inferiores de la sociedad romana en general, imitaban los métodos de la autorepresentación de sus dueños. La cultura epigráfica se difundió en época augustea y julio-claudia no solamente en la parte oriental de la Hispania citerior y en la Baetica, es decir, en las zonas de fuerte romanización de la Península Ibérica, sino también en el interior y en el noroeste de Hispania. En época flavia y trajanea tuvo lugar en Hispania una verdadera "explosión epigráfica«: en esta época el número de inscripciones aumentó en muchas ciudades y en sus territorios de un modo sorprendente, y aparecieron nuevos tipos de monumentos epigráficos. En Tarraco, por ejemplo, de las aproximadamente 1.600 inscripciones de la ciudad, sólo unas 100 se fechan en época republicana, augustea y julio-claudia; el resto es posterior, y la mayor parte pertenece a la época flavia y antonina; desde el reinado de Vespasiano se observa, entre otras cosas, la producción en masa de pedestales para estatuas con inscripciones honorarias, anteriormente desconocidas. Se puede hablar casi de una "revolución cultural«. El motivo para este cambio radical del epigraphic habit fue el cambio en la mentalidad de las élites y, siguiendo los comportamientos de ellas, también de grandes masas de las capas inferiores. Para Tácito, Hispania fue ya en época de Tiberio in omnes provincias exemplum; con la proclamación de Galba como emperador se cumplió la antigua profecía de que un día Hispania presentaría al dominus rerum; la extensión del ius Latii a todas las comunidades de Hispania por Vespasiano significó que el país llegó a ser una región casi como Italia; y el ascenso de muchos hispanos en el orden senatorial y con Trajano y Adriano hasta el poder supremo produjo en las élites hispánicas la sensación de que eran verdaderos romanos. Las inscripciones tenían que expresar su romanidad, su poder y su esplendor – un comportamiento que dio motivo también a muchos estratos inferiores para imitar el epigraphic habit de las élites según sus propias posibilidades. Sin embargo, desde mediados del siglo II la representación epigráfica de las élites sociales empezó a cesar. Desde la época de Marco Aurelio y Comodo, la costumbre de erigir monumentos honorarios para los miembros de las capas superiores acabó casi de forma general, y en muchas ciudades, entre ellas centros urbanos con un patrimonio epigráfico considerable en épocas precedentes y con una estructura social tan diferente como, por ejemplo, Saguntum, Segobriga o Segovia, el epigraphic habit desde finales del siglo II prácticamente desapareció. En una ciudad con una tradición epigráfica tan grandiosa como Tarraco, en el siglo III sólo muestra una continuidad la cultura epigráfica sepulcral. Por cierto, en los siglos III y IV los emperadores también recibieron obligatoriamente estatuas honorarias con inscripciones en su pedestal, pero desde mediados del siglo III estos pedestales fueron, no solamente en Tarraco, monumentos anteriores reutilizados (como evidentemente también las estatuas). El retroceso general del epigraphic habit en una ciudad anteriormente tan rica como Carthago Nova, antes que en otras ciudades, se explica por una parte por las grandes dificultades económicas que afectaron a muchas ciudades hispanas ya a mediados del siglo II, pero por otra parte también por el cambio de la mentalidad de las élites, que perdieron su interés en la autorepresentación con monumentos caros y que presentaban su rango social sobre todo en manifestaciones públicas. En algunas ciudades hispánicas la cultura epigráfica continuó también en época tardoimperial como una cultura epigráfica cristiana. El nucleo principal de la epigrafía cristiana en la Península ibérica fue Tarraco, con unas 140 inscripciones, no sólo en los siglos IV y V, sino también bajo el dominio visigodo hasta la invasión árabe a comienzos del siglo VIII. Las inscripciones cristianas, incluso las visigodas, casi sin excepción funerarias, conservaron todavía elementos de la tradición epigráfica anterior y, con ésta, de la cultura romana, pero su objetivo principal fue expresar la fe cristiana. ; This contribution is a revised, updated and considerably expanded version of the author's article published under the title «La cultura epigráfica de la Hispania romana: inscripciones, auto-representación y orden social» [«The epigraphic culture of Roman Hispania: inscriptions, self-representation and social order»] in the two editions of the volume Hispania. El legado de Roma, [Hispania. The legacy of Rome] edited by M. Almagro-Gorbea and J. M. Álvarez Martínez et alii in 1998 and 1999. The objective of the study is to give a general overview of the history of the epigraphic culture of the Romans in the Iberian Peninsula over almost a thousand years, with special reference to epigraphic problems that the author has been studying for more than forty years, which show first of all that the inscriptions relate to Hispania citerior, while epigraphs appear in Baetica and Lusitania only incidentally. More than 400,000 inscriptions are attributed to the Roman Empire; some 25,000 of them come from the Iberian Peninsula, where the number is continually growing as a result of new finds. However, reviewing inscriptions that have been known for a long time can also yield important new information. Amongst the most recent epigraphic finds are documents of major importance such as the lex Irnitana, the new fragment of the lex Ursonensis, the Tabula Siarensis, the Senatus consultum de Cnaeo Pisone patre and recently the edict by Augustus found in El Bierzo and the lex rivi Hiberiensis. A new edition of volume II of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum is justified to classify the vast number of inscriptions in Hispania (the last supplement to appear is: CIL II2, Pars XIV, Conventus Tarraconensis, Fasc. 2, Colonia Iulia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco, 2011). The oldest lapidary inscription from Roman Hispania and the whole of the Roman West is the inscription dedicated to Menrva, i.e., to Minerva, in Tarraco during the second Punic war. There are relatively few Hispanic inscriptions belonging to the republican era, and those that are known belong mainly to its final decades; the most important concentration is from Carthago Nova. As a result of the foundation of colonies and municipia under the reign of Caesar, and more particularly that of Augustus, the epigraphic culture in Hispania increased considerably. Good examples showing the origin and extension of the epigraphic habit can be seen in Saguntum and Segobriga, amongst other cities. In the fora of these municipia, established under Augustus, there are pavement inscriptions with gilded bronze lettering. They reflect the spread of this new epigraphic technique developed in the Augustan period for glorifying the new aurea aetas; the fora and the other public buildings were filled with honorary inscriptions, carved in the pedestals of statues of emperors, representatives of the Roman government and members of the local elites. Tomb monuments were frequently erected, not just for the members of the upper echelons, but also for members of the social strata dependent on the aristocracy, including their freedmen and slaves who, like the lower classes of Roman society in general, imitated their master's methods of self-representation. The epigraphic culture spread in the Augustan and Julio-Claudian period not only in the eastern part of Hispania citerior and Baetica, i.e. in heavily Romanised parts of the Iberian Peninsula, but also in the interior and the northwest of Hispania. In the Flavian and Trajanic period a real «epigraphic explosion» took place in Hispania: in this period there was a surprising increase in the number of inscriptions in many cities and their territories, and new types of epigraphic monuments appeared. In Tarraco, for example, only 100 of the approximately 1600 inscriptions in the city date to the Republican, Augustan and Julio-Claudian period; the rest are later, and most belong to the Flavian and Antonine period; from Vespasian's reign onwards we can see, amongst other things, the mass production of pedestals for statues with honorary inscriptions, which was not previously seen. It could almost be called a «cultural revolution». The reason for this radical change in the epigraphic habit was the changing mentality of the elites and that of the great masses of the lower ranks who emulated them. For Tacitus, Hispania was already in omnes provincias exemplum in the time of Tiberius; when Galba was declared emperor the ancient prophecy that one day Hispania would represent the dominus rerum was fulfilled; Vespasian's extension of the ius Latii to all the communities of Hispania meant that the country became a region almost like Italy; and the rise of many Hispanics to the senatorial order and, in the case of Trajan and Hadrian, even becoming emperor, gave the Hispanic elites the impression that they were true Romans. Inscriptions had to express their 'Romanness', their power and their splendour – conduct that also encouraged the lower classes to imitate the epigraphic habit of the elites as far as they could. However, from the mid-second century onwards the epigraphic representation of social elites declined. From the time of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus the custom of erecting honorary monuments for members of the upper echelons ceased almost entirely and from the end of the second century the epigraphic habit practically disappeared from many cities, including towns such as Saguntum, Segobriga and Segovia with very different social structures that had previously had a considerable epigraphic heritage. By the third century Tarraco, a city that had had an impressive epigraphic tradition, produced only tomb inscriptions. It is true that in the third and fourth centuries the obligatory honorary statues with inscriptions on their pedestals were dedicated to emperors, but from the mid-third century onwards these pedestals come – not only in Tarraco – from previous monuments that were reused (as the statues evidently were too). The general decline of the epigraphic habit in a city such as Carthago Nova, which had once been so rich, even before it fell out of favour in other cities, is explained on one hand by the major economic difficulties already affecting many Hispanic cities by the mid-second century, and on the other by the changing mentality of the elites, who lost interest in depicting themselves with expensive monuments and instead displayed their social rank mainly by funding public spectacles. In some Hispanic cities the epigraphic culture endured into the late imperial era as a Christian epigraphic culture. The main focal point of Christian epigraphy in the Iberian Peninsula was Tarraco, with about 140 inscriptions, not only in the fourth and fifth centuries, but also under Visigoth rule before the Arab invasion at the beginning of the eighth century. Christian inscriptions, including those of the Visigoths, were almost without exception funerary and still preserved elements of the earlier epigraphic tradition and, with it, Roman culture, but its main intention was to express the Christian faith.

AMÉRICA LATINA Elecciones presidenciales en Argentina: Cristina Fernández tendrá su segundo mandato.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45006572/ns/world_news-americas/#.TqfhIHKwA91http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/24/actualidad/1319476231_118058.htmlhttp://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/74879.html http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/reeleccin-de-cristina-fernndez-como-presidenta-de-argentina_10621346-4 http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/74895.html http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/23/world/americas/argentina-elections/index.html?hpt=wo_bn8ONU pidió, por vigésimo año consecutivo, el fin del embargo a Cuba.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/onu-pidi-por-vigsimo-ao-consecutivo-el-fin-del-embargo-a-cuba_10637826-4El huracán Rina amenaza la costa mexicana.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/americas/hurricane-rina-threatens-yucatan-peninsula.html?ref=world http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-15443540 http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45042360/ns/weather/#.TqfgrnKwA91 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/26/actualidad/1319612424_809172.htmlhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/rina-a-punto-de-convertirse-en-huracn-de-categora-3_10638405-4 http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/25/world/americas/tropical-weather/index.html?hpt=wo_c2Evo promulga ley en favor de los indígenas y anuncia fin del conflicto.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/24/actualidad/1319474529_733232.htmlhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/evo-promulga-ley-en-favor-de-indgenas-y-pone-fin-al-conflicto-en-bolivia_10630564-4 Jorge Castañeda: "México ya era priista antes del PRI"".Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319570806_219365.htmlCentroamérica vive la peor crisis de los últimos 20 años.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/pobreza-en-centroamrica_10610449-4 Chile denunció apoyo de movimientos argentinos a estudiantes.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417401-chile-el-gobierno-denuncio-apoyo-de-movimientos-argentinos-a-estudiantes#comentarColombia pasa del fervor al temor por el libre comercio con Estados Unidos.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319525054_990300.htmlJóvenes haitianos ven un futuro en el ejército.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/americas/president-michel-martelly-seeks-to-re-create-haitis-army.html?ref=worldRepublica Dominicana: culpan a la Policía Nacional de varias muertes.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/americas/amnesty-international-criticizes-dominican-police-for-deaths.html?ref=world http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-15440408La visita al mausoleo de Néstor Kirchner tras un año de su muerte.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/mausoleo-de-nestor-kirchner-tras-un-ano-de-su-muerte_10639527-4Juramento del primer ministro jamaiquino.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45009079/ns/world_news-americas/#.TqfhKHKwA91Ataque rebelde deja 10 soldados muertos en Colombia.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45002063/ns/world_news-americas/#.TqfhLnKwA91Investigación a vicepresidente pone a prueba al Gobierno de Humala.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/investigacin-a-vicepresidente-pone-a-prueba-al-gobierno-de-humala_10629664-4 Cuba estudia a sus ancianos por aumento de la vejez en ese país.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/aumento-de-la-vejez-en-cuba_10640964-4ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADÁObama lanza medidas para ayudar a familias al borde del desahucio.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/obama-lanza-nuevas-medidas-para-ayudar-a-familias-al-borde-del-desahucio_10630244-4 Estados Unidos obtiene progresos en los diálogos con Corea del Norte aunque todavía no existe acuerdo alguno.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45031122/ns/world_news-asia_pacific/#.TqfhPHKwA91http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/27/world/asia/leon-panetta-lands-in-south-korea-for-talks.html?ref=worldEn la capital de Estados Unidos protestan profesionistas, estudiantes y jubilados.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/74884.html Estados Unidos mantiene una red de informantes secretos en los carteles mexicanos.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319566118_990164.htmlWashington acelera sus planes para contener a Irán tras su salida de Irak.Para más información: http://www.economist.com/blogs/lexington/2011/10/leaving-iraq http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319568226_244550.htmlhttp://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/iraq/complete/la-fg-clinton-libya-iraq-iran-20111024,0,4437784.storyEstados Unidos y Siria llamaron a consultas a sus embajadores.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/africa/estados-unidos-retir-a-su-embajador-de-siria_10625725-4Estados Unidos desmantela la última de las bombas nucleares de la Guerra Fría.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/bomba-atmica-de-estados-unidos_10632764-4Clinton mantiene estrecho diálogo con Pakistán.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/21/world/asia/pakistan-clinton-trip/index.html?hpt=wo_bn7Obama, a la reconquista de los latinos.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/74883.html130 detenidos en protesta del movimiento 'Occupy' en Chicago.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/cerca-de-130-detenidos-tras-una-protesta-del-movimiento-occupy-en-chicago_10623724-4EUROPATerremoto sacude a Turquía dejando decenas de muertos y cientos de desaparecidos.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/europe/death-toll-in-turkey-quake-rises-as-rescuers-race-to-find-trapped-survivors.html?ref=world http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/25/world/europe/turkey-quake/index.html?hpt=wo_c1 http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45041798/ns/world_news-europe/#.TqffUHKwA90 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/26/actualidad/1319613006_518795.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417457-turquia#comentar http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-15457897 http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/74900.html http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/vctimas-del-terremoto-de-turqua_10625624-4 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-turkey-quake-20111025,0,7206785.storyLa Unión Europea concentrará la ayuda al desarrollo en la 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Intentan salvar el euro, pero hay diferencias.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-15449149 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417809-europa-esta-en-vilo-peligra-el-acuerdo#comentar http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/posicion-de-alemania-en-la-crisis-de-la-zona-euro_10639264-4 http://money.cnn.com/2011/10/25/news/international/europe_crisis_talks/index.htm?hpt=hp_t2&hpt=wo_c2 http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/39435196/ns/business-world_business/#.TqffW3KwA90 http://www.lemonde.fr/crise-financiere/article/2011/10/26/l-europe-se-dechire-sur-le-role-de-la-bce-dans-la-crise_1593978_1581613.html#ens_id=1268560 http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/europe/europe-faces-new-hurdles-in-debt-crisis.html?ref=world http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/europe/europes-leaders-testy-as-summit-nears.html?ref=world http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-euro-deal-20111025,0,594471.storyBerlusconi acorralado desde todos lados.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-15457900 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417808-berlusconi-acorralado-desde-todos-lados#comentar http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417917-otra-drastica-medida-de-berlusconi-acordo-aumentar-la-edad-de-jubilacion-en-italia#comentarLa Unión Europa analiza dos métodos no excluyentes para el rescate de Grecia.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417387-la-ue-analiza-dos-metodos-no-excluyentes-para-el-rescate-de-grecia#comentar http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-greece-austerity-20111021,0,3903568.storyZapatero y Sarkozy acuerdan permanente información ante fin de ETA.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/zapatero-y-sarkozy-acuerda-canal-permanente-de-informacin-ante-el-fin-de-eta_10623764-4Cameron enfrenta la mayor rebelión tory sobre la UE.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45018019/ns/business-stocks_and_economy/#.TqfhT3KwA91http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417576-cameron-enfrenta-la-mayor-rebelion-tory-sobre-la-ue#comentar http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/24/world/europe/uk-eu-referendum/index.html?hpt=wo_bn9Confiado, Rajoy ya se prepara para su llegada a la Moncloa.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417113-confiado-rajoy-ya-se-prepara-para-su-llegada-a-la-moncloa#comentarAntes de la cumbre, Alemania da luz verde a la ampliación del fondo de rescate.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417921-merkel-llamo-a-resolver-las-imperfecciones-del-euro-ahora-o-nunca#comentarVotantes suizos prefieren alejarse de la derecha.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/23/world/europe/switzerland-elections/index.html?hpt=wo_bn9El depuesto rey de Rumania advierte a los políticos contra la demagogia.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319557569_454773.htmlASIA- PACÍFICO/ MEDIO ORIENTETailandia sigue siendo azotada por las inundaciones.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-15459227 http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/portfolio/2011/10/26/bangkok-submergee-l-approvisionnement-devient-difficile_1593871_3216.html http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45006107/ns/weather/#.TqfhTHKwA91 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319553348_473230.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/asia/flood-waters-in-bangkok-shut-domestic-airport.html?ref=world http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/25/world/asia/thailand-flood/index.html?hpt=wo_c2Amnistía acusa al régimen sirio de torturas en los hospitales.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/middleeast/syria.html?ref=world http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/25/world/meast/syria-unrest/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319533294_069689.htmlGobierno de Yemen llama al cese del fuego.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/25/world/meast/yemen-violence/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/74898.html http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/middleeast/yemen-fighting-intensifies-as-cease-fire-is-called.html?ref=worldFallece Sultan bin Abdulaziz, príncipe heredero del trono de Arabia Saudita.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/22/world/meast/saudi-arabia-prince-dead/index.html?hpt=wo_bn11 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/22/actualidad/1319265519_668463.htmlhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/fallece-prncipe-heredero-de-arabia-saudita_10614945-4 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-15451009Virus ataca a computadoras del Parlamento japonés.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/asia/virus-infects-computers-in-japans-parliament.html?ref=worldTanque de gasolina utilizado como bomba en Afganistán mata al menos 14 personas.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-15455778 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-afghan-karzai-comment-20111025,0,7387181.story http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2011/10/26/world/asia/AP-AS-Afghanistan.html?ref=worldFuerzas de la OTAN capturan a 200 militantes en Afganistán. Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45011114/ns/world_news-south_and_central_asia/#.TqfhUnKwA90Temblor sacude nuevamente a la prefectura nipona de Fukushima.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45038345/ns/world_news-asia_pacific/#.TqfhOnKwA91China toma medidas contra la fuga de capitales.Para más información: http://behindthewall.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2011/10/25/8476025-china-cracks-down-on-economic-leaksAFRICAMarruecos responsabiliza a Argelia del secuestro de los cooperantes.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45006979/ns/world_news-africa/#.TqfhAXKwA91 http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319553200_614005.htmlTúnez: islamistas moderados ganaron las primeras elecciones de la "primavera árabe".Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-15453579 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/africa/onu-felicit-a-tnez-por-primeras-elecciones-libres-tras-dictadura_10627064-4 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-tunisia-nahda-20111026,0,2154740.story http://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2011/10/26/tunisie-la-strategie-attrape-tout-d-ennahda-a-paye_1593947_1466522.html#ens_id=1585247 http://www.economist.com/blogs/newsbook/2011/10/tunisias-election http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/middleeast/la-fg-tunisia-election-20111024,0,7449219.story http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417545-amplio-triunfo-en-tunez-de-los-islamistas-moderados#comentar http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319572196_921197.htmlhttp://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/24/world/africa/tunisia-elections/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/africa/tunisia-liberals-see-a-vote-for-change-not-just-for-islamists.html?ref=world http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45038538/ns/world_news-mideast_n_africa/#.Tqfg63KwA91La nueva Libia nace marcada por el desgobierno y los excesos de los rebeldes.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-15459473 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319567586_456515.htmlGadafi ha sido enterrado en un lugar secreto del desierto.Para más información: http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-libya-kadafi-burial-20111026,0,6381129.story http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/74897.html http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45027029/ns/world_news-mideast_n_africa/#.Tqfg4XKwA91 http://www.lemonde.fr/libye/article/2011/10/26/la-famille-de-kadhafi-envisage-de-porter-plainte-contre-l-otan_1593936_1496980.html http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/africa/qaddafi-son-and-former-defense-aide-buried-in-secret-place.html?ref=worldhttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319526089_910770.htmlhttp://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/libya-main/index.html?hpt=wo_c2La ONU pide una investigación sobre la muerte de Gadafi.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/panetta-says-ties-with-libya-depend-on-allies.html?ref=world http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/21/actualidad/1319190066_096919.htmlUn comando armado secuestra a tres cooperantes en Somalia.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/25/actualidad/1319557545_291784.htmlAtaque en Kenia deja al menos 1 muerto y 20 heridos.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-15459960 http://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/24/world/africa/kenya-nightclub-attack/index.html?hpt=wo_bn10 http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45019406/ns/world_news-africa/#.Tqfg-HKwA91Uganda revive sus oleadas anti homosexuales.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/26/world/africa/anti-gay-bill-is-revived-in-uganda.html?ref=worldLos caudillos africanos se eternizan.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/26/actualidad/1319610694_185410.htmlOTRAS NOTICIASSegún la ONU el mundo tendrá 7.000 millones de personas a final de mes,.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-15459643 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/numero-de-personas-de-la-poblacion-mundial_10639484-4 http://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2011/10/26/7-milliards-d-humains-en-2011-et-15-milliards-en-2100_1594137_3244.htmlWikiLeaks cerca de su colapso financiero.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1417546-wikileaks-cerca-de-su-colapso-financiero#comentar http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/10/24/actualidad/1319452128_617753.html"El Universal" presenta su portal dedicado al cambio climático.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/coberturas/cobertura3.html"The Economist" presenta su informe semanal: "Business this week".Para más información: http://www.economist.com/node/21533461

El Objeto de la tesis son las ciudades de Gibellina y Salemi (valle del Belice, Sicilia), destruidas, en su totalidad o en parte, por un violento terremoto en enero de 1968. El objetivo de la tesis es estudiar la relación entre permanencia y transformación en la arquitectura de la ciudad a través del análisis de un caso extremo donde una catástrofe provoca una fractura repentina en la evolución, física y social, de la historia de un lugar. El proceso de reconstrucción evidencia como estos elementos se combinan en el proyecto arquitectónico y en el uso del espacio construido para que la ciudad se mantenga viva. En los últimos 40 años Gibellina y Salemi han sido un laboratorio de la arquitectura y de las ciencias humanas, en una dimensión analizable en un único estudio; el Belice un banco de pruebas para la cultura política y arquitectónica italiana, que no tenía, entonces, herramientas legislativas para actuar al margen de la cultura de la emergencia. Gibellina y Salemi son el sujeto de una investigación histórica que sitúa la mirada en el presente y en el uso. Las dos ciudades, física y social, dialogan: la primera cambia y requiere que lo haga también la segunda. ¿Cómo la historia interrumpida puede seguir su curso? ¿Cómo la conservación y la innovación de los elementos espaciales y culturales de una comunidad garantizan su supervivencia? ¿Cómo la memoria rememorada hace avanzar hacia el futuro? Estas preguntas nacen de unas hipótesis iniciales. La primera es que la construcción de la ciudad sea un proceso continuo donde territorio y sociedad son los términos de un diálogo constante. La segunda concierne al propio mecanismo de la catástrofe el cual no puede leerse solo como acontecimiento luctuoso, sino como portador de un punto de vista nuevo, de la oportunidad de hacer las cosas de manera diferente. La memoria, para acabar, cobra un papel fundamental combinando permanencia y transformación tanto en el proyecto de arquitectura como en el uso de la ciudad. Si el análisis de un caso concreto puede aclarar los mecanismos de producción, transformación y transmisión de la arquitectura en el tiempo, podremos entender, mediante él, cómo se mantiene a lo largo de la historia la conexión entre un territorio y su cultura. La tesis reordena las etapas de la reconstrucción y propone un punto de vista diferente con respecto a mucha literatura sobre Belice, situando el análisis del texto urbano en su específico contexto histórico, geográfico y cultural, sin expresar juicios a posteriori e investigando las razones contingentes de las elecciones llevadas a cabo. La tesis se compone de tres partes según una estructura cronológica clásica. En la primera se analiza el Belice según los parámetros de construcción y resistencia. La teoría del territorio como paisaje construido y culturalizado se refiere a la tradición italiana desde Assunto hasta Natarelli. La lectura de Rossi es fundamental para entender la ciudad como artefacto que evoluciona en el tiempo. La teoría sociogenética de Muntañola relaciona proyecto, territorio y sociedad, mientras que la psicología ambiental, Pol, ayuda a comprender lo urbano desde el punto de vista del sujeto que lo habita. El análisis de la arquitectura en el tiempo se hace a partir de la teoría del tipo como estructura que, en la tradición de Quatremère de Quincy, es releída y actualizada por Caniggia y Muratori en los setenta y, más recientemente, por Martí y Moneo. Para la reflexión sobre forma, figura y símbolo nos referimos a Colquhoun y para el concepto de espacio prototípico en psicología ambiental a Valera. Fuera de la arquitectura, la topología y la teoría psicogenética de Piaget sugieren un interesante punto de vista para entender la evolución del tipo en el tiempo. Con estas bases se identifican y describen los tipos urbanos y arquitectónicos fundamentales del Belice antes 1968. La segunda parte se apoya en los estudios de Muntañola sobre la poética en arquitectura y utiliza la teoría de las catástrofes del matemático René Thom para defender la duplicidad del concepto de catástrofe: como trauma y como solución. El análisis de estos puntos de vista aplicados a la arquitectura hace reflexionar sobre como "regla" y "modelo" intervienen en el proyecto de arquitectura en un contexto de destrucción de la forma urbana y disolución del contexto social al que pertenece. El estudio de los planes para Gibellina y Salemi ha sido hecho de acuerdo con esta nueva orientación. En la tercera parte, la teoría de la memoria de Ricoeur ayuda a entender como resistencia y transformación se entrelazan en los diferentes proyectos de reconstrucción a través de los elementos de topos, tipo y uso. La relación del texto arquitectónico con su contexto histórico y social se cumple en el "habitar reflexivo". ; Oggetto della tesi sono le città di Gibellina e Salemi (valle del Belice, Sicilia), distrutte, nella loro totalità o in parte, da un violento terremoto nel gennaio del 1968. Obiettivo della tesi è indagare la relazione tra permanenza e trasformazione nell'architettura della città attraverso l'analisi di un caso estremo in cui una catastrofe opera una frattura repentina nell'evoluzione, fisica e sociale, della storia di un luogo. Il processo di ricostruzione mostra come i due elementi si combinano nel progetto architettonico e nell'uso dello spazio costruito per consentire alla città di mantenersi viva. Durante gli ultimi 40 anni Gibellina e Salemi sono state un laboratório dell'architettura e delle scienze umane, in una dimensione analizzabile in un unico studio; il Belice un banco di prova per la cultura politica e architettonica italiana priva, allora, di strumenti legislativi per operare oltre la cultura dell'emergenza. Gibellina e Salemi sono il soggetto di una ricerca storica, che situa lo sguardo nel presente e sull'uso. Le due città, fisica e sociale, dialogano: la prima si modifica e richiede che lo faccia anche la seconda. Come la storia interrotta prosegue il suo corso? Come la conservazione e il rinnovamento degli elementi spaziali e culturali di una comunità ne garantiscono la sopravvivenza? Come la memoria fa avanzare verso il futuro? Queste domande nascono da alcune ipotesi di partenza. La prima è che la costruzione della città sia un processo continuo in cui territorio e società sono i termini di un dialogo costante. La seconda riguarda il meccanismo stesso della catastrofe che non può essere letta solo come evento luttuoso, ma tale da portare con sè il germe costruttivo di un punto di vista nuovo, della opportunità di fare le cose diversamente. La memoria, infine, ha un ruolo fondamentale nel combinare permanenza e trasformazione tanto nel progetto di architettura come nell'uso della città. Se l'analisi di un caso concreto può far luce sui meccanismi di produzione, trasformazione e trasmissione dell'architettura nel tempo, potremo, per suo tramite, capire come il legame tra un territorio e la sua cultura si mantiene nella storia. La tesi riordina le tappe della ricostruzione e propone un punto di vista diverso rispetto a molta letteratura sul Belice, situando l'analisi del testo urbano all'interno del suo specifico contesto storico, geografico e culturale, senza esprimere giudizi a posteriori e indagando le ragioni contingenti delle scelte operate. La tesi si compone di tre parti secondo una struttura cronologica classica. Nella prima, si analizza il Belice secondo i parametri di costruzione e resistenza. La teoria del territorio come paesaggio costruito e culturalizzato si rifà alla tradizione italiana da R. Assunto fino a E. Natarelli. La lettura di A. Rossi è fondamentale per intendere la città come manufatto che si evolve nel tempo. La teoria sociogenetica di J. Muntañola relaziona progetto, territorio e società, mentre la psicologia ambientale, E. Pol, aiuta nella comprensione dell'urbano dal punto di vista del soggetto che lo abita. L'analisi della resistenza dell'architettura nel tempo viene a fatta a partire dalla teoria del tipo come struttura che, nella tradizione di Quatremère de Quincy, è riletta e aggiornata da G. Caniggia e S. Muratori negli anni '70 e più recentemente da C. Martì e R. Moneo. Per la riflessione su forma, figura e simbolo ci siamo riferiti ad A. Colquhoun e per il concetto di spazio prototipico in psicologia ambientale a S. Valera. Al di fuori dell'architettura, la topologia e la teoria psicogenetica di J. Piaget suggeriscono un interessante punto di vista per capire l'evoluzione del tipo nel tempo. Su queste basi si identificano e descrivono i tipi urbani ed architettonici fondamentali del Belice prima del 1968. La seconda parte si appoggia agli studi di Muntañola sulla poetica in architettura e utilizza la teoria delle catastrofi del matematico R. Thom per sostenere la duplicità del concetto di catastrofe: come trauma e come soluzione. L'analisi dei due punti di vista applicati all'architettura fa riflettere su come regola e modello intervengono nel progetto di architettura in un contesto di distruzione della forma urbana e di dissoluzione del contesto sociale di appartenenza. Lo studio dei piani per Gibellina e Salemi è fatto a partire da questo nuovo orientamento. Nella terza parte la teoria della memoria di P. Ricoeur ci aiuta a capire come resistenza e trasformazione si declinano nei diversi progetti di ricostruzione mediante i tre elementi di topos, tipo e uso. La relazione del testo architettonico con il suo contesto storico e sociale trova compimento nell'abitare riflessivo. ; This thesis explores the cities of Gibellina and Salemi (Belice Valley, Sicily), which were entirely or partially destroyed by a major earthquake in January 1968. The aim of the thesis is to study the relationship between permanence and transformation in the architecture of the city by analysing an extreme case in which a disaster causes a sudden fracture in the physical and social evolution of the history of a place. The reconstruction process shows how these elements are combined in the architectural project and use of built-up space in order to keep the city alive. In the last forty years Gibellina and Salemi have been a laboratory for architecture and human sciences on a scale that can be analysed in one study. Belice is a testbed for Italian political and architectural culture which at that time did not possess the legislative means to act outside the emergency culture. Gibellina and Salemi are the subject of historical research focusing on the present and on use. Both cities, physically and socially, maintain a dialogue: the former changes and forces the latter to do so also. How can uninterrupted history continue its course? How do the conservation and innovation of the spatial and cultural elements of a community ensure its survival? How does remembered memory lead us into the future? All of these questions are borne out of initial hypotheses. The first is that the construction of a city is a continual process in which land and society are the terms of ongoing dialogue. The second concerns the mechanism of the disaster itself, which must not be seen merely as a painful event but as the bringer of a new perspective - the chance to do things differently. Finally, memory plays a key role by bringing together permanence and transformation both in the architectural project and in the use of the city. If analysing a specific case can shed light upon the mechanisms of production, transformation and transmission of architecture in time, we shall thereby be able to understand how the connection between a land and its culture is upheld through history. This thesis reorders the reconstruction stages and proposes a fresh point of view with regard to the bulk of the literature on Belice, placing the urban text analysis within its historical, geographical and cultural context without making judgements and exploring the underlying reasons for the choices made. It is split into three parts in the classical chronological structure. Firstly, Belice is analysed in terms of construction and resistance. The theory of territory as a built and culturalized landscape refers to the Italian tradition from Assunto to Natarelli. The reading of Rossi is vital to understanding the city as an artefact that evolves over time. Josep Muntañola's theory of sociogenetics links project, territory and society, whilst Enric Pol's work on environmental psychology provides insight into the urban from the perspective of its inhabitants. My analysis of architecture over time is underpinned by the theory of the type as structure which, in the tradition of Quatremère de Quincy, was revisited and updated by Caniggia and Muratori in the 1970's and, more recently, by Martí and Moneo. I shall refer to Colquhoun on form, figure and symbol, and to Valera on the concept of prototypical space in environmental psychology. Moving beyond the architectural domain, Jean Piaget's theory of psychogenetics provides a fascinating point of view for understanding the evolution of type in time. These are the underlying principles that have been taken to identify and describe the fundamental urban and architectural types in Belice before 1968. The second section is based on Muntañola's studies on the poetic in architecture and uses mathematician René Thom's catastrophe theory to support the twofold nature of the catastrophe concept: as a trauma and as a solution. The analysis of these points of view as applied to architecture leads to a consideration of how 'rule' and 'model' intervene in the architectural project in a context of destruction of the urban form and breakdown of the social setting to which it belongs. The plans for Gibellina and Salemi have been studied in accordance with this new direction. In the third part, Ricoeur's memory theory is useful in understanding how resistance and transformation are intertwined in the various reconstruction projects through the three elements topos, types and use. The relationship between the architectural text and its historical and social setting is brought about by "reflexive inhabiting". ; Postprint (published version)

El Objeto de la tesis son las ciudades de Gibellina y Salemi (valle del Belice, Sicilia), destruidas, en su totalidad o en parte, por un violento terremoto en enero de 1968. El objetivo de la tesis es estudiar la relación entre permanencia y transformación en la arquitectura de la ciudad a través del análisis de un caso extremo donde una catástrofe provoca una fractura repentina en la evolución, física y social, de la historia de un lugar. El proceso de reconstrucción evidencia como estos elementos se combinan en el proyecto arquitectónico y en el uso del espacio construido para que la ciudad se mantenga viva. En los últimos 40 años Gibellina y Salemi han sido un laboratorio de la arquitectura y de las ciencias humanas, en una dimensión analizable en un único estudio; el Belice un banco de pruebas para la cultura política y arquitectónica italiana, que no tenía, entonces, herramientas legislativas para actuar al margen de la cultura de la emergencia. Gibellina y Salemi son el sujeto de una investigación histórica que sitúa la mirada en el presente y en el uso. Las dos ciudades, física y social, dialogan: la primera cambia y requiere que lo haga también la segunda. ¿Cómo la historia interrumpida puede seguir su curso? ¿Cómo la conservación y la innovación de los elementos espaciales y culturales de una comunidad garantizan su supervivencia? ¿Cómo la memoria rememorada hace avanzar hacia el futuro? Estas preguntas nacen de unas hipótesis iniciales. La primera es que la construcción de la ciudad sea un proceso continuo donde territorio y sociedad son los términos de un diálogo constante. La segunda concierne al propio mecanismo de la catástrofe el cual no puede leerse solo como acontecimiento luctuoso, sino como portador de un punto de vista nuevo, de la oportunidad de hacer las cosas de manera diferente. La memoria, para acabar, cobra un papel fundamental combinando permanencia y transformación tanto en el proyecto de arquitectura como en el uso de la ciudad. Si el análisis de un caso concreto puede aclarar los mecanismos de producción, transformación y transmisión de la arquitectura en el tiempo, podremos entender, mediante él, cómo se mantiene a lo largo de la historia la conexión entre un territorio y su cultura. La tesis reordena las etapas de la reconstrucción y propone un punto de vista diferente con respecto a mucha literatura sobre Belice, situando el análisis del texto urbano en su específico contexto histórico, geográfico y cultural, sin expresar juicios a posteriori e investigando las razones contingentes de las elecciones llevadas a cabo. La tesis se compone de tres partes según una estructura cronológica clásica. En la primera se analiza el Belice según los parámetros de construcción y resistencia. La teoría del territorio como paisaje construido y culturalizado se refiere a la tradición italiana desde Assunto hasta Natarelli. La lectura de Rossi es fundamental para entender la ciudad como artefacto que evoluciona en el tiempo. La teoría sociogenética de Muntañola relaciona proyecto, territorio y sociedad, mientras que la psicología ambiental, Pol, ayuda a comprender lo urbano desde el punto de vista del sujeto que lo habita. El análisis de la arquitectura en el tiempo se hace a partir de la teoría del tipo como estructura que, en la tradición de Quatremère de Quincy, es releída y actualizada por Caniggia y Muratori en los setenta y, más recientemente, por Martí y Moneo. Para la reflexión sobre forma, figura y símbolo nos referimos a Colquhoun y para el concepto de espacio prototípico en psicología ambiental a Valera. Fuera de la arquitectura, la topología y la teoría psicogenética de Piaget sugieren un interesante punto de vista para entender la evolución del tipo en el tiempo. Con estas bases se identifican y describen los tipos urbanos y arquitectónicos fundamentales del Belice antes 1968. La segunda parte se apoya en los estudios de Muntañola sobre la poética en arquitectura y utiliza la teoría de las catástrofes del matemático René Thom para defender la duplicidad del concepto de catástrofe: como trauma y como solución. El análisis de estos puntos de vista aplicados a la arquitectura hace reflexionar sobre como "regla" y "modelo" intervienen en el proyecto de arquitectura en un contexto de destrucción de la forma urbana y disolución del contexto social al que pertenece. El estudio de los planes para Gibellina y Salemi ha sido hecho de acuerdo con esta nueva orientación. En la tercera parte, la teoría de la memoria de Ricoeur ayuda a entender como resistencia y transformación se entrelazan en los diferentes proyectos de reconstrucción a través de los elementos de topos, tipo y uso. La relación del texto arquitectónico con su contexto histórico y social se cumple en el "habitar reflexivo". ; Oggetto della tesi sono le città di Gibellina e Salemi (valle del Belice, Sicilia), distrutte, nella loro totalità o in parte, da un violento terremoto nel gennaio del 1968. Obiettivo della tesi è indagare la relazione tra permanenza e trasformazione nell'architettura della città attraverso l'analisi di un caso estremo in cui una catastrofe opera una frattura repentina nell'evoluzione, fisica e sociale, della storia di un luogo. Il processo di ricostruzione mostra come i due elementi si combinano nel progetto architettonico e nell'uso dello spazio costruito per consentire alla città di mantenersi viva. Durante gli ultimi 40 anni Gibellina e Salemi sono state un laboratório dell'architettura e delle scienze umane, in una dimensione analizzabile in un unico studio; il Belice un banco di prova per la cultura politica e architettonica italiana priva, allora, di strumenti legislativi per operare oltre la cultura dell'emergenza. Gibellina e Salemi sono il soggetto di una ricerca storica, che situa lo sguardo nel presente e sull'uso. Le due città, fisica e sociale, dialogano: la prima si modifica e richiede che lo faccia anche la seconda. Come la storia interrotta prosegue il suo corso? Come la conservazione e il rinnovamento degli elementi spaziali e culturali di una comunità ne garantiscono la sopravvivenza? Come la memoria fa avanzare verso il futuro? Queste domande nascono da alcune ipotesi di partenza. La prima è che la costruzione della città sia un processo continuo in cui territorio e società sono i termini di un dialogo costante. La seconda riguarda il meccanismo stesso della catastrofe che non può essere letta solo come evento luttuoso, ma tale da portare con sè il germe costruttivo di un punto di vista nuovo, della opportunità di fare le cose diversamente. La memoria, infine, ha un ruolo fondamentale nel combinare permanenza e trasformazione tanto nel progetto di architettura come nell'uso della città. Se l'analisi di un caso concreto può far luce sui meccanismi di produzione, trasformazione e trasmissione dell'architettura nel tempo, potremo, per suo tramite, capire come il legame tra un territorio e la sua cultura si mantiene nella storia. La tesi riordina le tappe della ricostruzione e propone un punto di vista diverso rispetto a molta letteratura sul Belice, situando l'analisi del testo urbano all'interno del suo specifico contesto storico, geografico e culturale, senza esprimere giudizi a posteriori e indagando le ragioni contingenti delle scelte operate. La tesi si compone di tre parti secondo una struttura cronologica classica. Nella prima, si analizza il Belice secondo i parametri di costruzione e resistenza. La teoria del territorio come paesaggio costruito e culturalizzato si rifà alla tradizione italiana da R. Assunto fino a E. Natarelli. La lettura di A. Rossi è fondamentale per intendere la città come manufatto che si evolve nel tempo. La teoria sociogenetica di J. Muntañola relaziona progetto, territorio e società, mentre la psicologia ambientale, E. Pol, aiuta nella comprensione dell'urbano dal punto di vista del soggetto che lo abita. L'analisi della resistenza dell'architettura nel tempo viene a fatta a partire dalla teoria del tipo come struttura che, nella tradizione di Quatremère de Quincy, è riletta e aggiornata da G. Caniggia e S. Muratori negli anni '70 e più recentemente da C. Martì e R. Moneo. Per la riflessione su forma, figura e simbolo ci siamo riferiti ad A. Colquhoun e per il concetto di spazio prototipico in psicologia ambientale a S. Valera. Al di fuori dell'architettura, la topologia e la teoria psicogenetica di J. Piaget suggeriscono un interessante punto di vista per capire l'evoluzione del tipo nel tempo. Su queste basi si identificano e descrivono i tipi urbani ed architettonici fondamentali del Belice prima del 1968. La seconda parte si appoggia agli studi di Muntañola sulla poetica in architettura e utilizza la teoria delle catastrofi del matematico R. Thom per sostenere la duplicità del concetto di catastrofe: come trauma e come soluzione. L'analisi dei due punti di vista applicati all'architettura fa riflettere su come regola e modello intervengono nel progetto di architettura in un contesto di distruzione della forma urbana e di dissoluzione del contesto sociale di appartenenza. Lo studio dei piani per Gibellina e Salemi è fatto a partire da questo nuovo orientamento. Nella terza parte la teoria della memoria di P. Ricoeur ci aiuta a capire come resistenza e trasformazione si declinano nei diversi progetti di ricostruzione mediante i tre elementi di topos, tipo e uso. La relazione del testo architettonico con il suo contesto storico e sociale trova compimento nell'abitare riflessivo. ; This thesis explores the cities of Gibellina and Salemi (Belice Valley, Sicily), which were entirely or partially destroyed by a major earthquake in January 1968. The aim of the thesis is to study the relationship between permanence and transformation in the architecture of the city by analysing an extreme case in which a disaster causes a sudden fracture in the physical and social evolution of the history of a place. The reconstruction process shows how these elements are combined in the architectural project and use of built-up space in order to keep the city alive. In the last forty years Gibellina and Salemi have been a laboratory for architecture and human sciences on a scale that can be analysed in one study. Belice is a testbed for Italian political and architectural culture which at that time did not possess the legislative means to act outside the emergency culture. Gibellina and Salemi are the subject of historical research focusing on the present and on use. Both cities, physically and socially, maintain a dialogue: the former changes and forces the latter to do so also. How can uninterrupted history continue its course? How do the conservation and innovation of the spatial and cultural elements of a community ensure its survival? How does remembered memory lead us into the future? All of these questions are borne out of initial hypotheses. The first is that the construction of a city is a continual process in which land and society are the terms of ongoing dialogue. The second concerns the mechanism of the disaster itself, which must not be seen merely as a painful event but as the bringer of a new perspective - the chance to do things differently. Finally, memory plays a key role by bringing together permanence and transformation both in the architectural project and in the use of the city. If analysing a specific case can shed light upon the mechanisms of production, transformation and transmission of architecture in time, we shall thereby be able to understand how the connection between a land and its culture is upheld through history. This thesis reorders the reconstruction stages and proposes a fresh point of view with regard to the bulk of the literature on Belice, placing the urban text analysis within its historical, geographical and cultural context without making judgements and exploring the underlying reasons for the choices made. It is split into three parts in the classical chronological structure. Firstly, Belice is analysed in terms of construction and resistance. The theory of territory as a built and culturalized landscape refers to the Italian tradition from Assunto to Natarelli. The reading of Rossi is vital to understanding the city as an artefact that evolves over time. Josep Muntañola's theory of sociogenetics links project, territory and society, whilst Enric Pol's work on environmental psychology provides insight into the urban from the perspective of its inhabitants. My analysis of architecture over time is underpinned by the theory of the type as structure which, in the tradition of Quatremère de Quincy, was revisited and updated by Caniggia and Muratori in the 1970's and, more recently, by Martí and Moneo. I shall refer to Colquhoun on form, figure and symbol, and to Valera on the concept of prototypical space in environmental psychology. Moving beyond the architectural domain, Jean Piaget's theory of psychogenetics provides a fascinating point of view for understanding the evolution of type in time. These are the underlying principles that have been taken to identify and describe the fundamental urban and architectural types in Belice before 1968. The second section is based on Muntañola's studies on the poetic in architecture and uses mathematician René Thom's catastrophe theory to support the twofold nature of the catastrophe concept: as a trauma and as a solution. The analysis of these points of view as applied to architecture leads to a consideration of how 'rule' and 'model' intervene in the architectural project in a context of destruction of the urban form and breakdown of the social setting to which it belongs. The plans for Gibellina and Salemi have been studied in accordance with this new direction. In the third part, Ricoeur's memory theory is useful in understanding how resistance and transformation are intertwined in the various reconstruction projects through the three elements topos, types and use. The relationship between the architectural text and its historical and social setting is brought about by "reflexive inhabiting". ; Postprint (published version)

"This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning…I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal…"And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true."Martin Luther King Jr." I have a dream speech" (March on Washington, August 28, 1963)On Wednesday August 27th, at the Pepsi Center in Denver, Colorado, before a crowd of 20,000, Barack Obama became the first biracial man to be officially nominated as presidential candidate by a major party. When the turn came for the delegates from the state of New York to vote, Obama had received 1,549 and Hillary Rodham-Clinton 231. Hillary then made a motion to suspend the roll call vote and select him by acclamation:"With eyes firmly fixed on the future in the spirit of unity, with the goal of victory, with faith in our party and country, let's declare together in one voice, right here and right now, that Barack Obama is our candidate and he will be our president."The night before, Hillary had made a gracious and persuasive speech in support of Obama, calling on her supporters to vote for the man that would bring health care to all Americans and restore the country's standing in the world, thus tacitly acknowledging that their platforms are one and the same. She had also reminded the audience that the (presidential) "glass ceiling now had 18 million cracks", a reference at the number of votes she received and a reminder of how close women had come this time around to win the Presidency, a white male domain until now. That was her way to give comfort to her female supporters, some of which have avowed to vote for McCain in the Fall. Then on Wednesday night it came up to Bill Clinton to put the proverbial final nail in the coffin of the bitter conflict that had bitterly divided the party up to then. He did it with a masterful, authoritative speech, in which he reassured the audience that Obama was just as ready for the Presidency as he himself had been in 1992. The clarity of his ideas and the perfect delivery reminded us all of why he will go down as one of the greatest Presidents in this country's History.Already by Wednesday night there was a sense of fulfillment and relief, since the unification of the Democratic Party was perceived by most Democrats as the Convention's main objective. The party had been divided since the 1970s, when the moderate, blue collar workers and Southerners became disgruntled with McGovern's socially liberal platform and voted for Nixon. Ten years later they would become known as the Reagan democrats, and the label would stick. Bill Clinton was able to bring them all back to the fold by focused policies and his ability to connect both with white and black blue-collar workers. But in the last eight years the divisions have reappeared, as it became plain during the primary: Obama appeals strongly to the black community and to white college educated youth but has been unable to extend that appeal to older women and white workers. That is why Hillary got 18 million votes. That is also why Obama's choice of Vice President is a solid one. Senator Joseph Biden, with his Catholic, blue-collar background, his toughness and his 30 years of experience in the Senate, and his wisdom and knowledge of foreign affairs, has added weight and credibility to the ticket. The expectation is that this formula will reunite the fractured party once again.This has been a historic Convention in more ways than one: the first African-American to win the nomination, the first woman to come so close to winning it, the passing of the torch to a new generation of Americans by Ted Kennedy, the brilliant speech by Bill Clinton which by all measures restores his stature within the party. But more than anything else, this Convention is historic because, as Clinton said, Barack Obama is "the twenty first century incarnation of the American Dream", and a reaffirmation of Ted Kennedy's proclamation on the first day of the Convention, that "the Dream Lives on" in Obama.The climax came on Thursday night with Obama's long awaited acceptance speech at the closing of the Convention. It was a carefully choreographed affair, overlaid with symbolism. Delivered before a crowd of 75,000 at the INVESCO open-air stadium at Mile High, against a background evoking the pillars of the Lincoln Memorial, it was watched by a TV audience of around 40 million and ended with fireworks across the Colorado sky. Barack Obama is also the first candidate since John F Kennedy to choose an open-to-the public venue to deliver his acceptance speech. There were some risks to this venue, from security to climactic. But more than anything else, his greatest challenge on this historic night was to communicate to his huge audience and the American nation at large, that he is not just a great orator but that he understands their woes and has the fortitude to fight for them; that he is ready to battle ahead and bring about the change he so brilliantly articulates in his speeches, and that this young man standing before them, half preacher, half professor, is also a practical politician, able to back his ideas with concrete and feasible plans. As Richard Haas says in his latest article on the Foreign Affairs Journal, the next president must confront "the reality of the country's expectations" and he must do so by "identifying meaningful yet achievable goals and lay them out before the nation…and then achieve them through leadership skills that will be tested by pressures unimaginable to anyone who has not held he job." Obama passed this difficult test on the first two requirements. The third is awaiting him, if elected in November.By most accounts, the speech was an overwhelming success. Obama presented a complete blueprint on how he will govern if elected. He first listed all the issues Americans are dissatisfied with, starting with the economy and ending with Iraq. He then outlined his specific policies to solve these problems. He subsequently gave examples of how McCain is closely aligned with George W. Bush's failed policies, thus demolishing his opponent's claims of independence from the incumbent. Finally, he presented himself as open-minded and pragmatic, willing to find middle ground on the so-called culture wars issues (gays, guns, abortion) that are frequently framed as false choices to elicit emotions, not rationality, from the part of the voters. He re-introduced himself to the public as a common man, with personal accounts of his childhood as son of a single mother, who raised him with the help of her parents and at times had to use food stamps to take care of him; of his admiration for his grandfather, a WWII veteran who went to college on the GI bill and taught him hard work, pride and love of country. Looking straight into the cameras, he humanized his message and connected with people. He was able to turn the tables on John McCain, who he presented as elitist, out of touch and thus, less trustworthy. His move to the middle ground on cultural issues ("We can withhold the Second Amendment and still get AK 47s out of the hands of criminals") and his calls for greater civic and parental responsibility ("Government cannot replace parents in educating their children…") gave consistency to his claim of post-partisanship.By asserting that America is the best hope for the world, he rejected the notion that only Republicans are patriotic ("Democrats can own that, too."). He also defied the fallacy that Democrats are weak on foreign policy ("We are the party of FDR and JFK, so don't tell us Democrats that we cannot defend the country…and restore the moral standing for all who fight for freedom."). And he did all this not so much with the soaring rhetoric of his earlier speeches, but with a tone of strength and defiance. He took the fight to John Mc Cain, promising to debate him not on petty issues but on who has the "judgment and the temperament" to be Commander-in-Chief. He thereby injected the question of McCain's short temper into the Fall campaign. The speech ended with an evocation of Martin Luther King's I have a dream speech delivered on this same day forty-five years ago at the Lincoln Memorial, and a pledge to once more "March forward together."Memories of the Democratic National Conventions and the momentum created by this brilliant speech were not, however, destined to linger for long in the American psyche. They were shattered by two events, one man-made, one natural. On Friday, August 29th, John McCain made an announcement that caused quite a stir in the media and public alike. He chose as his Vice president Mrs. Sarah Palin, the little-known first-term female governor of Alaska, a no exceptions pro-lifer who believes that Creationism should be taught in the schools alongside Evolution, and whose thin political résumé is startling to most observers. After they recovered from the initial shock, some pundits were able to articulate the intriguing yet-to be-answered question: was this the brilliant decision of a crafty tactician or the insane choice of an impulsive, overly ambitious politician? Is this a masterful stroke or a risky gamble? Only time will tell.That same day, Mrs. Palin had to share the limelight with Gustav, an impervious hurricane that was making its way toward the Gulf Coast at vertiginous speed and strength. Plans for the Republican National Convention to start on Monday had to be scrapped, while McCain and Palin made their way to Mississippi, turning this into an opportunity to distance themselves early on from Bush's fiasco during hurricane Katrina two years ago. Most Convention events were suspended for Monday and Tuesday and replaced by a bare-bones schedule of committee meetings, while the crucial events (vice-presidential speech and nomination vote) start this Wednesday and culminate Thursday with McCain's acceptance speech. This could turn out to be a blessing in disguise for Republicans. Courtesy of Gustav, now downgraded to a grade one hurricane, speeches by Bush and Cheney were cancelled. The President, who hastily made his way to New Orleans, may still speak for a short time via satellite on Wednesday, which will give him an opportunity to amend the terrible legacy of Katrina by replacing those images in the minds of the public with a much improved disaster relief response to Gustav.Palin is expected to give a good speech at the Convention. As a young political reformer who has fought corruption in her home state, she has energized the campaign. As a social conservative with deep convictions against abortion she has galvanized the conservative Evangelical base of the party. She is attractive and warm, and connects easily with the public, one of the few advantages of her political experience in Alaska, a sparsely populated state that requires extensive face-to-face contact with voters. An active hunter and life-long member of the NRA, she may be able to connect with the kind of independent blue-collar and rural voters that Obama has not been able to appeal to. But Palin has never been under the extreme national scrutiny that the next few months will bring, nor has she had to answer any unscripted questions about a wide variety of topics from the often vicious national press. Mc Cain picked her over men with extensive experience in economic matters (Mitt Romney) and in homeland security (Tom Ridge), both of whom had been extensively vetted. His choice of Palin as running mate is even more surprising if we consider that his main campaign theme against Obama was the latter's lack of executive experience. In contrast with Palin, Obama has had his trial-by-fire in the primary debates and through 18 months of campaigning. He has run against formidable candidates in the Primary, has been repeatedly tested by the media, and has emerged as the choice of Democratic voters. Palin, on the other hand, has one year of executive experience and a gaping lack of foreign policy knowledge. She is the choice of one man, John McCain, who has only met her twice. What will be the public's perception of Palin's credibility and readiness to step in as President should something happen to McCain? Did McCain, always the maverick, abdicate in his duty to the people by not choosing someone manifestly ready for the presidency? We may have some answers to these questions in a week or two.For those that expect Hillary's women to flock to the Republican side just because of McCain's Vice-presidential pick, think again. If there is one principle those women activists care about is the protection of the Roe v Wade Supreme Court decision, so they would be loath to vote for a strongly anti-abortion candidate such as Palin. Nevertheless, Obama does need to worry about the white blue-collar workers' vote. He has been consistently ahead in the polls but the margin has narrowed somewhat. He is now 6 percentage points ahead in the polls (47% to 41%) but so far has been unable to break the 50% barrier. Given the byzantine workings of the Electoral College in a presidential election, even a sliver of independents and Reagan democrats here and there (especially in Ohio, Pennsylvania and Michigan) can win this election for McCain. The long-awaited Autumn of Freedom would then become for many, the Winter of Discontent.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

2005/2006 ; Serena Fedel's dissertation is focused on gender issues, more precisely she has chosen to analyse the social conditions of employed women and the way they manage to reconcile the duties arising from their job with the ones connected with their role within the family. Geographically speaking she has decided to examine the above mentioned issues in the core of the so called Alps-Adriatic region, i.e. in the three bordering areas of Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia. The aim of the dissertation consisted in analysing gender disparities and the social conditions of working women first in Austria, Italy and Slovenia and then also in of Carinthia and Friuli Venezia Giulia in order to find out which government has proved to be more sensitive to gender issues and has been more committed and successful in promoting a more equal society. Moreover tthe PhD candidate wanted to discover and point out which measures and initiatives have been more useful in order to develop gender equality and equal opportunities for all, so that such best practices could be introduced also in other areas in order to achieve the same goals. Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia are neighbouring regions and to a foreign eye their landscapes must look similar, mainly because of the architectural legacy of a past when the three of them were all part of the Habsburg Empire. Indeed until the end of the First World War [although only until 1866 for the area of Friuli, when it was annexed to the Reign of Italy] these regions there ruled by the same laws and were inhabited by a very Catholic population. Notwithstanding the fact that in general women had to work hard at home as well as outside it in order to help their family make ends meet, the Catholic Church had been very successful in promoting the traditional patriarchal family model of the male breadwinner-housewife, according to which woman's role was defined by the three "K's" [Küche, Kindern, Kirche] kitchen, children and church. Originally such a model was meant for the bourgeois family of the 19th century, but soon it became valid for all the social strata. It prescribed that the husband's role was to work for wage while the woman had to be the care-taker at home; if an employment was compatible with these tasks and/ or if the financial situation of the family required it, only then could she work outside home. The year 1918 marked the beginning of a dissimilar historical, social and economic development for the bordering regions of Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia, even though some features – like the strong feeling of devotion to the Catholic religion by the majority of the people, a peripheral position within their states and in respect to the decisional centres, as well as some internalized attitudes, customs and traditions - represented some common resistant-to-change characteristics. Now less than one century afterwards, the three areas are again under the umbrella of a common institution, the European Union, which counts gender equality among its founding principles, it has introduced the approach of gender mainstreaming in all its policies and programmes, and it requires all the member states to do the same. Moreover the three bordering areas are more or less affected in the same way also by world-wide phenomena such as the globalisation process (of capitals, work, models of reference, cultural trends, etc.) and the process of individualization of society. Given the above mentioned common features as well as the dissimilar historical experiences and social developmental paths which have characterized Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia in the 20th century, the objective of Serena Fedel's dissertation was to investigate whether nowadays women's social condition and their models of behaviour in these areas are still similar, or if they differ and how, and which strategies have been elaborated in order to tackle the problem of gender disparities and discriminations. Through such a comparison it was expected to devise and point out some "best practices" which might be applied in the future in other regions in order to promote equal opportunities and the development of a more equal society. The main hypothesis was that the traditional male-breadwinner-housewife family model had left a legacy in the way household duties are divided between men and women, as well as in the different way men and women are present in the labour force (sectors of employment, hierarchichal position and status and power connected with it, career chances reserved to them, etc.). As a consequence it was expected that the various aspects of gender inequality to be addressed would have been similar, and also that the policies and initiatives devised in order to tackle them would have presented common features. On the other hand it was also expected that Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia would have presented partially different workforce situations and levels of development of care services, to be accounted for mainly by the dissimilar historical experiences through which they went. Given the stress laid by the socialist system (when Slovenia was part of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia) on the principle of equality between the different republics (ethnicities) as well as between sexes, and considering that it demanded all of its citizens to work, Serena Fedel assumed that Sloven women should have fared better then their colleagues of Carinthia and Friuli Venezia Giulia. More precisely it was expected that in Slovenia women would have enjoyed more equality with men in the private and in the public sphere, and that the network of care services in support of working parents would have been better developed here than in the other two areas. It must be mentioned that another hypothesis was also taken into consideration, namely that the weight of the socialist legacy could have been partially blunted by the dynamics set off by the process of transition to the market economy - i.e. the distance taken from everything that belonged to the old system, and the process of re-catholization of the population. While the second hypothesis was not confirmed, the first was supported by the results of the analysis carried out on the basis of statistical data concerning the labour force and the network of public care services in Austria, Italy and Slovenia, as well as in Carinthia and Friuli Venezia Giulia. These data matched also with the results of opinion polls carried out in the areas of interest on the topics of gender equalities and inequalities, and about men's and women's roles within family and society, as well as with the results of a survey carried out by the very PhD candidate on 30 women of the Alps-Adriatic area. Coming now to present the structure of the dissertation in details, the first chapter deals with the main sociological theories about social inequalities, starting with the classical ones which adopted a hierarchical approach and focused mainly on people's position within the economic field, and then moving to more recent standpoints, which adopted a horizontal approach in order to give account of the so called new inequalities. These are connected with characteristics such as one's gender, age, race, ethnicity, kind of dwelling, etc, so they cannot be directly connected to or explained by only taking into consideration one's profession, but nonetheless they affect people's life chances and achievements substantially. In the second chapter the focus shifts to the topic of whether and how the main sociologists took into consideration the issue of gender inequalities, and what they wrote about woman's nature and her role compared to man's. Afterwards the principal feminist approaches to the study of gender issues and their main points are discussed, together with the theories that were developed in order to explain the phenomena of the gendered division of work and the existence of patriarchal relations in social structures, focusing most of all on the reasons why women are in a disadvantaged position in the labour market, and on the relationship between welfare policies and women's situation. The third chapter is devoted to women' social condition under the Habsburg monarchy and it is explained how the traditional male breadwinner-housewife model could assert itself and become the leading paradigm for the gendered division of work, notwithstanding the fact that women had always been working, at home as well as outside it. The key role played by the Catholic Church in the affirmation of the traditional patriarchal family model will be highlighted. The fourth chapter deals with the way woman's condition has evolved over time in Europe and more precisely in Austria, Italy, Slovenia and the former Yugoslavia until our days. The diacronical development of the female employment rates together with the different kinds of welfare states that have characterized these nations constitute the main topic of the chapter; their analysis allows to come to outline which kind of gender relations have been fostered in the three states. Moreover it will be given account of the impact that the two phenomena of the process of globalization and of individualization of society have had on women's situation, focussing specially on Western countries. In the fifth chapter the attention will focus on the regional situation: firstly it will be given account of the way the European Union has been dealing with the issue of gender equality, and the principles and policies developed to tackle gender inequalities; on a second step the analysis will concentrate on the regional level and more precisely on the three areas which may represent the heart of the forthcoming Alps-Adriatic region: Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia. After having investigated the way women are present in the labour force there and the care services on which they can count - also contextualizing such data within their national frame, i.e. of Austria and Italy – the focus will move to the policies that have been developed by the regional governments in order to support families, to promote gender equalities and to counter gender discrimination, also describing the national and regional institutional bodies that deal with the issue and their involvement in initiatives co-financed by the European Union such as the program EQUAL. The goal of this part of the work is to detect some best practices which have been elaborated in a specific region and have proved to be effective in helping parents to carry out all their duties, and which may also be successfully adopted by other administrations. The hypothesis is that in the end such policies won't be much dissimilar because of the common membership to the European Union, even if there will be also "national/ regional ways" to cope with the problems, given the fact that the three regions present partially different workforce structure. The sixth chapter is devoted to the presentation of the results of the survey carried out by Serena Fedel in the three bordering regions, thus providing first hand data. In order to compare the social conditions of employed women of Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia the PhD candidate developed a questionnaire, translated it into German, Italian and Slovene, and used it to interview 30 women who have family (children) and are employed at a bank, and working in Klagenfurt, Ljubljana or Udine. All the interviews took place during the months of June and July 2006, thanks to the availability of the 30 women involved in the project and with the precious organizational help of the Human Resources Departments of the Austrian, Italian and Slovene sister-companies of the group. The questionnaire consisted of 32 questions, mostly open ones, through which Serena Fedel wanted to investigate women's actual situation between family and work, their ideas about woman's role in family and society (influenced more or less by their parents' ideas on the same issue), their personal experience as far as unfair treatments suffered because of their sex, and their opinion about gender inequalities. Moreover, she wanted to get to know their assessment about the commitment of their regional and/or national government as far as fostering equal opportunities and helping parents to reconcile professional and family life and about the results that have actually been achieved in the field. One last point concerned their evaluation of the family- and/ or women-friendly attitudes of the bank in each region/nation. As for the hypothesis, again it was expected Slovene women to be the most emancipated, and the ones who enjoy more equal partnerships, where the division of work is not so engendered any more. Indeed it is so, and for a great deal the cultural legacy of socialism and its care institutions are to be held responsible for such a result, since they have gotten people used to taking for granted the fact that women work as men do, which may bring about a higher involvement of men into family life and household duties. It has to be said that also in Slovenia the labour force is still segregated by gender and young women seem to be discriminated against by employers upon hiring, owing to the fact that they may get pregnant and go on leave. Such a phenomenon, together with a still limited number of fathers who make use of the parental leave represent common features of the three analyzed areas and matters of concern of the institutions who deal with gender inequalities. In the conclusion of the dissertation, projects and initiative are pointed out, which have been developed in the analyzed areas and have been effective in promoting a more gender equal society, and in working towards the elimination or at least the reduction of gender discrimination and inequalities. They may represent the starting point of a debate about gender issues to take place within Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia, and therefore in the forthcoming Alps-Adriatic region, which may aid in the development of new answers and solutions.

Koalas are popular zoo animals, but difficult in husbandry. In addition to their specialised diet of eucalyptus leaves, they are prone to "stress" and disease. Particularly in European zoos, themonitoring of theirwell-being has high priority and they are protected from possible stressors. However, stress signs in koalas are vague and monitoring techniques like weighing might result in discomfort itself. Additionally, husbandry routines are planned according to keeper's schedule, not to the endogenous rhythms of the koalas. Therefore it is necessary to investigate activity pattern in captive koalas and the signals influencing them. These signals have to be assessed on the strength and quality of their impact. A total of 17 koalas have been observed in three zoological gardens in Australia and Europe. Koalas kept in outdoor enclosures with little human contact (Koala Walkabout, Taronga Zoo, Sydney) showed a uniform activity pattern, which was clearly entrained by light. Activity levels were higher during the night, and there was a pronounced resting period in the morning which corresponds with low body temperature measured by Degabriele and Dawson (1979). Activity peaks were related to twilight and changed during the year related to day lengths. However, there was a clear influence from the introduction of fresh browse which resulted in a distinct feeding peak in the afternoon. With short day lengths, this stimulus competed with dusk. Activity patterns from koalas in indoor enclosures (Zoo Duisburg, Vienna Zoo) varied between individuals and in some cases lacked a detectable rhythm. Though activity peaks were related to light, entrainment to sunlight was weak. In winter, koalas reacted primarily to the artificial light, but some also showed activity peaks related to sunlight. Activity patterns in these koalas were less structured and differed severely from patterns expected according to literature. Activity was often related to the keeper's presence and food introduction. Frequency of feeding bouts was considerably higher at Vienna Zoo compared to the other zoos and the bouts were shorter in duration. Time budgets of the koalas were within the range given in free-range studies. Feeding showed seasonal changes and was increased in lactating females. Koalas at Vinna Zoo had a high level of locomotor activity compared to the size of the enclosure. Koalas at Koala Walkabout were not used to handling, so they resisted the keeper. The koalas at the two European zoos were handled regularly and settled down quickly. However, handling took place in the morning; in most koalas, there was no activity prior to it. In Vienna, resting periods were interrupted daily due to weighing. Food introduction at KoalaWalkabout took place in the afternoon. It was preceded by locomotor activity and triggered a long feeding bout in the koalas. It is not clear, whether food had true Zeitgeber properties or masked the endogenous rhythm. In the two European zoos, food was introduced in the morning. The peaks related to this were smaller than those at Koala Walkabout. Activity was rarely observed prior to food introduction. The koalas at Koala Encounter, Taronga Zoo (Sydney),were regularly confronted with visitors, though no contact was allowed. Direct observation by the keepers did rarely show any stress signs. Activity patterns at night were strikingly similar to Koala Walkabout, but differed dramatically during the day. Food was introduced three times a day, which usually resulted in activity that interrupted a resting period. Generally, the koalas at Koala Encounter were more active than those at KoalaWalkabout. They also displayed a high level of locomotor activity, especially on the ground, which is an accepted sign of discomfort in koalas (Wood 1978; Zoological Society of San Diego 2001; Yusuf& Rosenthal unpublished data). In summary, this chronoethological study of the captive koalas showed that there are several problems with koala husbandry. Artificial light regimes for koalas are not sufficient for entrainment and result in unstructured activity pattern. This is especially the case in winter, when the day in Europe is artificially extended. Due to the mainly nocturnal behaviour of koalas, such an extension might not be necessary and therefore should be avoided. Handling in Europe took place during the physiological resting time of the koalas. Interruptions of resting times are considered as stressors (Wood 1978) and should be avoided. Handling in the afternoon would be more suitable for the koalas and triggered activity in the two koalas at Vienna Zoo. It is also arguable if daily weighing is necessary to monitor health in captive koalas or if the frequent interruption of resting countervail the advantages of constant monitoring. Frequent contact with visitors, evenwithout the so-called cuddling, has a considerable impact on activity patterns and time budget of koalas, even if no immediate stress signs are displayed. Such contact should therefore be reduced to a minimum and chronoethological observations of the koalas should be used. A study on koalas with direct visitor contact is also advisable to revise the current legislation on "koala cuddling". Koalas frequently rested in living trees if they had access to it. Since no food-poisoning has been reported from koalas using living non-food trees, the provision of living trees with an appropriate canopy should be included in the husbandry guidelines. Increased locomotor activity has been shown to be related to conditions of discomfort or stress and possibly to oestrus. This is in accordance with literature (Wood 1978; Zoological Society of San Diego 2001). Further observation, combined with hormone analysis, are advisable to establish this parameter for evaluation of well-being. Chronoethology has proven to be useful for the evaluation of husbandry conditions and group dynamics. Different to other, traditional ethologicalmethods, it indicated problems and enabled me to advise more appropriate times for handling and food introduction. It is desirable that zoos already using 24-hour video observation include chronoethological aspects into their analysis. ; Einleitung Das Leben aller Organismen ist rhythmisch organisiert. Die grundlegenden Rhythmen werden endogen durch ein Multioszillatorensystem aus inneren Uhren erzeugt. Viele davon sind circadian, dauern also ungefähr 24 Stunden. Da es in einem Organismus eine Vielzahl von circadianen Rhythmen (z.B. Schlaf-Wach-Rhythmus, Körpertemperatur, Hormonspiegel) gibt, müssen diese miteinander undmit der Umwelt synchronisiert werden. Dies geschieht durch sogenannte Zeitgeber, rhythmisch auftretende, externe Signale. Der wichtigste externe Rhythmus ist der Tag-Nacht-Wechsel und so ist es nicht verwunderlich, daß Sonnenlicht als einer der stärksten Zeitgeber wirkt. In einer künstlichen Umgebung erreichen Zeitgeber häufig nicht die notwendige Stärke, um den Organismus zu synchronisieren. Die Folge ist eine Abkopplung der endogenen Rhythmen von ihrer Umwelt und von einander. Eine interne Desynchronisation (z.B. ein Jetlag) ist die Folge. Zudem können andere Signale direkt auf den Organismus einwirken und die endogenen Rhythmen überlagen. Man spricht hier von einer Maskierung. Solche Veränderungen können zu Unwohlsein führen und sollten vermieden werden. Andererseits ist es möglich, daß der physiologische Zustand des Tieres, z.B. Östrus, Krankheit oder Stress, Einfluss auf den circadianen Rhythmus hat. In diesem Fall kann die Beobachtung des entsprechenden Parameters (z.B. Aktivitätsrhythmus) Aufschluss über den Zustand des Tieres geben. Koalas sind beliebte Zootiere, doch ihre Haltung ist problematisch. Neben ihrer Spezialisierung auf Eukalyptusblätter als einzige Nahrung gelten sie als anfällig für "Stress" und Krankheiten. Aus diesem Grund hat insbesondere in europäischen Zoos die Überwachung ihres Wohlbefindens eine hohe Priorität. Stressoren werden nach Möglichkeit ausgeschlossen. Stresssignale bei Koalas sind jedoch eher vage, und traditionelle Kontrollmethoden wie regelmäßiges Wiegen können selbst als Störung auf den Koala wirken und so das Wohlbefinden vermindern. Zudem werden Tagesabläufe in der Haltung dem Zeitplan des Tierpflegers, nicht dem endogenen Rhythmus des Koalas angepaßt. Eine chronoethologische Untersuchung der Aktivitätsmuster von Koalas in Zoohaltung könnte Informationen über die grundlegenden circadianen Rhythmen geben. In dieser Studie wurden die einwirkenden externen Faktoren darauf untersucht, inwieweit sie als Zeitgeber oder Maskierung wirken. Es wurde zudem versucht, den Tagesablauf stärker an die Bedürfnisser der Koalas anzupassen. Methode In drei Zoologischen Gärten in Australien und Europawurden die circadianen Rhythmen für allgemeine Aktivität, Futteraufnahme und lokomotorischeAktivität untersucht. Dazu wurden insgesamt 17 Koalas unter vier Haltungsbedingungen mit 24-Stunden-Zeitraffer-Video aufgezeichnet: Taronga Zoo, Sydney liegt innerhalb des natürlichen Verbreitungsgebietes der Koalas. Die Tiere werden in Außengehegen gehalten und sind dem natürlichen Klima und den natürlichen Schwankungen der Tageslängen ausgesetzt. Futter wird täglich in der Umgebung von Sydney gesammelt. Koala Walkabout: Vier Koalas (ein Männchen, drei Weibchen) wurden 2004 über einen Zeitraum von einem Jahr beobachtet. Im Sommer 2003/04 wechselte die Gruppenzusammensetzung aufgrund von Zuchtbemühungen. Daher wurden drei weitere Weibchen für jeweils einige Wochen beobachtet. Die Tagesroutine beinhaltet die morgendliche Gehegereinigung um 07:00 und die Fütterung um 15:30. Kontakt mit dem Pfleger ist selten. Im Verlauf dieser Studie wurden die Tiere in einem Abstand von einem bis vier Monaten gefangen, gewogen und bei denWeibchen der Beutel auf Jungtiere kontrolliert. Koala Encounter: Vier adulteWeibchen und ein einjähriges Jungtier wurden für sechs Wochen imSommer 2005 (Dezember-Januar) beobachtet. Die Tiere wurden in zwei Gruppen gehalten. An den meisten Tagen betreten Besucher für zwei Stunden das Gehege, um sich neben den Koalas photographieren zu lassen. Kontakt mit den Tieren ist verboten und ein Pfleger überwacht den Zustand der Tiere optisch. Stresssymptome werden nur selten beobachtet. Die Koalas werden dreimal täglich gefüttert (07:00, 11:00 und 13:00), dabei kommt es zu gelegentlichem Kontakt mit den Pflegern. Normalerweise werden die Koalas alle zweiWochen gewogen, dies fand jedoch nicht während der Beobachtungszeit statt. In den beiden europäischen Zoos werden die Koalas in klimatisierten Innengehegen gehalten. Zusätzlich zu einem Glasdach werden die Gehege künstlich beleuchtet. Im Winter wird der Tag dadurch um mehrere Stunden verlängert. Die Koalas sind durch eine an der Decke offene Glaswand nach Geschlechtern getrennt, können sich aber sehen, hören und riechen. Kontakt findet nur kontrolliert zu Paarungsversuchen statt. Futter wird zweimal wöchentlich von Plantagen in Südengland bzw. Florida eingeflogen. Zoo Duisburg: Ein Männchen und drei adulteWeibchen wurden für je sechs Wochen im Sommer 2003 (Juni-Juli) und im Winter 2003 (November-Dezember) beobachtet. Die Tiere haben unregelmäßigen Kontakt zum Pfleger. Im Laufe des Vormittags werden die Gehege gereinigt und zu unterschiedlichen Zeiten Futter ausgegeben. Zweimal die Woche werden die Tiere gewogen. Tiergarten Schönbrunn, Wien: Ein Männchen und ein Weibchen wurden für je sechs Wochen im Sommer 2004 (Juni-Juli) und im Winter 2004/05 (Dezember-Januar) beobachtet. Die Gehege werden am frühen Morgen gereinigt, wobei es fast täglich zu Kontakt zwischen Pfleger und Koala kommt. Täglich um10:15 wurden die Tiere gewogen und gefüttert. Aufgrund der Ergebnisse dieser Studie wurde im Juni 2005 das Wiegen auf 16:00 verschoben und die Tiere wurden für weitere sechs Wochen beobachtet. Die Videoaufzeichnungen wurden in bezug auf das Verhaltensmuster und die Reaktion auf verschiedene Pflegetätigkeiten analysiert. Zusätzlich zu den Aktivitätsmustern wurden Zeitbudget und Tag:Nacht-Ratio des Verhaltens berechnet. Ergebnisse Die Koalas im Koala Walkabout, Sydney, zeigten ein einheitliches Aktivitätsmuster, welches deutlich durch das natürliche Licht entrained wurde. Während der Nacht war die Aktivität höher, und es konnte eine ausgeprägte Ruheperiode am Morgen beobachtet werden. Zu dieser Zeit stellten Degabriele and Dawson (1979) bei Koalas eine physiologisch niedrigere Körpertemperatur fest als zu anderen Tageszeiten. Aktivitätsmaxima standen in Bezug zur Dämmerung und veränderten sich im Laufe des Jahres in Relation zur Tageslänge. Zusätzlich zeigte sich ein deutlicher Einfluß der nachmittäglichen Fütterung, die durch ein hohes Aktivitätsmaximum begleitet wurde. Mit kürzer werdenden Tagen kam es zu einer Überlappung des Stimulus Fütterung mit dem Stimulus Abenddämmerung. Bei drei Koalas verschwand die Aktivitätsphase in der Abenddämmerung zugunsten der Fütterung, doch ein Weibchen fraß nur noch in der Abenddämmerung. Die Aktivitätsmuster in den Zoos Duisburg und Wien variierten deutlich zwischen den Individuen. In einigen Fällen fehlte ein erkennbarer Rhythmus, insbesondere der in Sydney deutliche Unterschied zwischen Tag undNacht. Obwohl die Aktivitätsmaxima in Relation zum Licht standen, war das Entrainment durch das durch das Dach einfallende Sonnenlicht eher schwach. Im Winter reagierten die Koalas primär auf die künstliche Beleuchtung, einige Individuen jedoch zeigten zusätzliche Aktivitätsmaxima in Relation zum Sonnenlicht. Die Aktivitätsmuster dieser Koalas waren weniger stark strukturiert und unterschieden sich drastisch von den Mustern, die in der Literatur bei freilebenden Koalas beschrieben wurden. Aktivität stand häufig in Relation zu der Anwesenheit des Pflegers und dem Einbringen neuen Futters. Die Dauer und der Abstand einzelner Aktivitäts- und Fressperioden waren im Zoo Wien waren deutlich kürzer als in den beiden anderen Zoos. Insbesondere das Weibchen fiel durch die hohe Frequenz im Wechsel zwischen Ruhe und Aktivität auf. Das Zeitbudget der Koalas im Koala Walkabout, Zoo Duisburg und Zoo Wien lag innerhalb des für freilebende Koalas bekannten Bereichs. Die Koalas ruhten zwischen 74,1 und 81,7% der Zeit,wobei es keine eindeutigen Unterschiede zwischen den Geschlechtern und nur wenige Unterschiede zwischen den Zoos gab. Fressen war mit 10,7 bis 17,3% die häufigste Aktivität; die Koalas in Duisburg fraßen am längsten. Die Dauer des Fressens war im Winter sowie bei säugende Weibchen länger. Lokomotorische Aktivität zeigte deutliche Unterschiede zwischen den Zoos. Sie war am höchsten in Wien und am niedrigsten in Duisburg. Die Koalas kamen nur gelegentlich auf den Boden. Im Koala Walkabout war dies nötig, um zwischen einigen der Bäume zu wechseln. Daher wurden diese Koalas, insbesondere das Männchen, in bis zu 7% der Beobachtungsintervalle auf dem Boden beobachtet. In den beiden europäischen Zoos war es nicht notwendig, den Boden zu betreten. In Duisburg geschah dies auch selten. In Wien jedoch kamen die Koalas häufig auf den Boden, besonders das Weibchen, um das Gehege zu erkunden oder zu trinken. Die Koalas waren nicht streng nachtaktiv, aber bei den meisten beobachteten Koalas fand ein größerer Teil der Aktivität während der Nacht statt. Dies war besonders ausgeprägt in dem Sydney Weibchen Yindi, die tagsüber kaum Aktivität zeigte. Das Duisburger Männchen und das Wiener Weibchen waren im Winter jedoch während des Tages etwas aktiver als während der Nacht. Die Pfleger im Koala Walkabout, Sydney, hatten selten direkten Umgang mit den Koalas. In den wenigen Fällen, in denen die Tiere gefangen wurden, wehrten sie sich, sonst reagierten sie kaum auf den Pfleger. Nach dem Wiegen bzw. der Kontrolle des Beutels beruhigten sie sich jedoch schnell wieder. In den beiden europäischen Zoos hatten die Koalas regelmäßig Kontakt zu den Pflegern. In Duisburg zeigte sich kaum ein Einfluss auf das Verhalten und die Koalas setzten nach dem Wiegen zumeist ihre vorherige Tätigkeit (Ruhen oder Fressen) fort. In Wien reagierten beide Tiere sehr stark auf den Pfleger. Die Morgenreinigung löste lokomotorische Aktivität im Weibchen aus. Das tägliche Wiegen um 10:15 fiel in die Ruhephase der Koalas. Während das Weibchen danach meist fraß, blieb das Männchen an den meisten Tagen inaktiv und begann seine eigentliche Futteraufnahme erst am Nachmittag. Im Koala Walkabout fand die Fütterung am Nachmittag statt. Davor wurde erhöhte lokomotorische Aktivität beobachtet, und nach dem Füttern fraßen die Tiere für längere Zeit, mitunter für über eine Stunde. In den beiden europäischen Zoos wurde am Morgen gefüttert. Die dieser Fütterung folgenden Aktivitätsmaxima waren niedriger als die am Koala Walkabout und oft fraßen einzelne Tiere erst am Nachmittag. Vor der Fütterung wurde selten Aktivität beobachtet. Die Aktivitätsmuster im Koala Encounter, Sydney, stimmten während der Nacht fast vollständig mit denen derWeibchen imKoalaWalkabout überein. Tagsüber gab es jedoch dramatische Unterschiede. Während die Koalas imWalkabout am Morgen ruhen, zeigten sich im Encounter drei Aktivitätsmaxima, die mit Fütterungen in Verbindung standen. Die Koalas im Encounter waren insgesamt aktiver als die im Walkabout. Die lokomotorische Aktivität war ebenfalls erhöht und die Tiere waren häufiger auf dem Boden. Im Koala Encounter wurden Phasen mit parallel erhöhter lokomotorischer Aktivität in zwei Tieren beobachtet. Dies geschah zum einen nachdemzweiWeibchen, Maggie und Carla, in ein gemeinsames Gehege transferiert wurden, und zum anderen bei Cooee und ihrer Tochter Coco, die zur Beobachtungszeit entwöhnt wurde. Im Koala Walkabout und in Duisburg standen den Tieren lebende Nichteukalyptus-Bäume als Ruheplatz zur Verfügung. Diese wurden von einigen Koalas intensiv genutzt, insbesondere tagsüber. Zwei der Weibchen in Duisburg wurden allerdings sehr selten in den Bäumen beobachtet. Diskussion Die Beobachtungen aus demKoalaWalkabout zeigen, dass die Aktivität der Koalas durch zwei Faktoren beeinflusst wird. Sonnenlicht wirkt als Zeitgeber mit unterschiedlicher Stärke im Jahreslauf. Einen starken, direkten Einfluss, inklusive antizipatorische Aktivität, hat die nachmittägliche Fütterung. Es kann jedoch nicht mit Bestimmtheit gesagt werden, ob es sich hierbei um einen Zeitgeber oder eine Maskierung handelt. Die künstliche Beleuchtung in den beiden europäischen Zoos reicht nicht aus, um die Tiere zu entrainen, was in einem unstrukturierten Aktivitätsmuster resultiert. Dies wird besonders im Winter deutlich, wenn der natürliche Tag künstlich verlängert wird. Hier überwiegt der Einfluss der künstlichen Beleuchtung, doch die Aktivitätsmuster verlieren ihre Struktur und zwei der Koalas wurden sogar leicht tagaktiv. Da Koalas nachtaktiv sind, scheint eine Verlängerung des Wintertages unnötig und Tageslängen sollten sich in Zukunft stärker an dem natürlichen Licht orientieren. Der direkte Kontakt zwischen Pfleger und Koalas, insbesondere das Wiegen, fand während der physiologischen Ruhezeit der Koalas statt. Die Unterbrechung von Ruhezeiten wird als möglicher Stressor angesehen (Wood 1978) und sollte vermieden werden. Pflegerkontakt am Nachmittag wäre demnach akzeptabler für den Koala und resultierte tatsächlich in einer längeren Aktivitäsphase im ZooWien. Es ist zudem fraglich, ob tägliches Wiegen als Gesundheitskontrolle notwendig ist, oder ob die regelmäßigen Störungen der Ruhe- und Freßphasen sich nicht eher negativ auswirken. Häufiger Kontakt mit Besuchern, selbst ohne das sogenannte "Koala-Knuddeln", hat einen deutlichen Einfluß auf das Aktivitätsmuster und das Zeitbudget der Koalas, auch wenn keine direkten Stresssignale gezeigt werden. Daher sollte diese Art von Kontakt minimiert werden. Es ist zudem empfehlenswert, eine systematische Untersuchung von Koalasmit direktemBesucherkontakt unter chronoethologischemAspekt durchzuführen, um die geltende Rechtslage zum "Koala-Knuddeln" zu überprüfen. Lebende Baumkronen sind der natürliche Aufenthaltsort für Koalas. Da Koalas in derWahl ihrer Nahrung sehr wählerisch sind und keiner der Zoos bisher Vergiftungsfälle durch die Nichteukalyptus-Blätter berichtet hat, sollte die Bereitstellung eines lebenden Baumes mit ausreichendem Blattwerk in die Haltungsrichtlinien aufgenommen werden. Es konnte gezeigtwerden, dass ein Anstieg der lokomotorischen Aktivität ein Zeichen für Unwohlsein, Stress oder Östrus sein kann. Hierfür gibt es auch Hinweise in der Literatur (Wood 1978; Zoological Society of San Diego 2001). Weitere Untersuchungen in Kombination mit Hormonmessungen wären sinnvoll, um diesen Parameter zur nichtinvasiven Zustandsmessung zu nutzen. In dieser Studie konnte der Nutzen der Chronoethologie als Methode zur Überprüfung von Haltungsbedingungen und Gruppendynamik gezeigt werden. Im Unterschied zu traditionelleren ethologischen Methoden ermöglichte sie mir, den Einfluss verschiedener externen Faktoren zu bestimmen und geeignetere Zeiten für den Umgang mit dem Pfleger oder die Fütterung zu finden. Es ist empfehlenswert, daß solche Zoos, die bereits 24-Stunden-Videobeobachtung bei ihren Tieren durchführen, dies unter Berücksichtigung des chronoethologischen Aspektes täten.

Trafficking in human beings includes recruitment, transport, organisation of border-crossing, hiding or receiving persons, by use of threats, force, other forms of coercion, abduction, fraud, lies, by abuse of authority or vulnerable position or by giving and receiving money or services in order to obtain consent of the person who has control over another person. Trafficking in human beings exists on all continents and in a great number of states. The lack of knowledge and data about human trafficking among the children and young people as well as among the wider public leads to the prevailing opinion that such things happen somewhere else, outside our country, which is, in fact of benefit to persons involved in the human trafficking chain and their criminal activities. Even though Croatia was until recently just a transit country in the human trafficking chain, today it has been documented that it is also a destination country, as well as a country where the human trafficking victims are being recruited. Children and young people belong to a group which is especially exposed to the risk of victimisation in the human trafficking chain. High school students are a vulnerable group because they will soon face the decision whether to enter the labour market or continue their education, and in the process many will start living independently outside their permanent place of residence. Therefore, the publication entitled " Human Trafficking in the Eyes of the Youth in Croatia – Understanding the Problem and Prevention Possibilities" is dedicated to the trafficking in children and young people as a special segment of trafficking in human beings. It includes the presentation of the problem from the professional and scientific point of view. The introductory part presents definitions and main features of the human trafficking problem with special emphasis on more important international documents related to the subject. It also includes an overview and explanation of forms, methods and causes of human trafficking as well as possible risks. It further deals with the perception of the problem of trafficking in human beings in Croatia. A larger part of the publication includes an overview and explanation of forms, methods and causes of trafficking in children as well as an analysis of results of a research conducted by the International Organization for Migration in cooperation with the Ministry of Science, Education and Sports in 2004. The goals of the mentioned research were to learn what level of information Croatian high school students have about the problem of trafficking in human beings, to get information about their experience and views on human trafficking and to assess their awareness of the risk to become human trafficking victims themselves. The research was conducted with the purpose of contributing to preparations for systematic youth education about possible risks and manners of protection from trafficking in human beings as anticipated by the National Plan for the Supression of Trafficking in Persons in the Republic of Croatia. The study consisted of a survey on the subject and the organisation of focus groups. The survey was based on a questionnaire put together in a special way, with 35 questions, many of which included additional questions, the Likert-type rating scales or a series of proposed answers. Questions were related to the respondents' socio-demographic characteristics, high school students' plans for their professional future, value systems, their attitudes about the roles of men and women in the society, their reactions in hypothetic violent situations in relationships, their general level of information on trafficking in human beings, their sources of information on human trafficking and their attitudes towards human trafficking and the victims of trafficking. The qualitative part of the study was conducted by organising 14 focus groups which included students from 10 high schools, two students' homes and one youth club. The participants in focus groups answered the following questions: How would you define human trafficking? Give an example or describe an occasion when you heard about human trafficking! What are, in your opinion, basic ways in which someone becomes a trafficking victim? What rights are human trafficking victims deprived of most? Do you think that you personally could become a victim of trafficking in human beings and why? What ways and means do you propose for the fight against human trafficking? Altogether 950 high school students of both genders from 25 municipalities/towns in Croatia took part in the survey. The average age of participants in the survey was 16, 6 years. The total of 275 high school students participated in focus groups. Most focus groups participants were 17 years old. The sample had approximately the same number of high school students of each gender. The survey was conducted on a representative sample and qualitative part of the study on an occasional sample. The survey produced numerous interesting results, and the results obtained in focus groups have been largely confirmed by the survey. The results show that a majority of the young have heard of the problem of trafficking in human beings with the purpose of their exploitation. Students attending high schools in Zagreb and surroundings and Dalmatia have above-average knowledge about the problem of trafficking in people. In the regions of Slavonia and Istria, North Coast and Gorski kotar, students' knowledge about the problem is close to the average, and in the Northern Croatia, the Lika, Kordun and Banovina regions, their knowledge is bellow-average. The young from bigger towns are somewhat better informed about the problem of trafficking in human beings than the young from smaller towns. Students of three-year vocational schools are considerably less informed about the problem than students attending four-year college-preparatory schools (gymnasiums) and four-year vocational schools. A little bit more than half of the respondents believe that trafficking in human beings in Croatia is not very prominent. Girls and older students see the problem as being more serious than boys and younger students do. Asked whether there have been any cases of human trafficking in the community where they live, 6, 7 percent of participants in the survey answered affirmatively ; the young from bigger towns have more often heard of such cases. Most students were informed about the problem of trafficking in human beings through television programmes and newspaper articles. A considerably smaller number of young people have learned about it thorough posters, brochures and various promotion materials. Approximately every fifth participant in the survey learned about human trafficking trough Internet, from friends, acquaintances, parents or at school. The level of information on human trafficking possessed by students attending gymnasiums and four-year vocational schools is above-average, whereas it is bellow-average among students of three-year vocational school. The respondents whose information about human trafficking comes from several sources (the media, school, parents or other family members) have a more complete understanding of the problem. The largest number of high school students that have been surveyed holds the traffickers and their desire for profit, as well as the lack of knowledge and information about real risks of human trafficking responsible for this phenomenon. High school students see causes for trafficking in human beings in inadequate legislation and poor moral values. Girls and students attending gymnasiums agree more often than boys and students attending vocational schools with the claim that ignorance and the lack of information about real risks should be blamed for the trafficking in women with the purpose of sexual exploitation. A special risk of youth victimisation results from their wish to become independent and find employment. Our survey has shown that as many as two thirds of high school students agree with the opinion that a lot of money can be easily earned in other states, and just as many of them would feel quite safe if they would be offered a job abroad by someone they know well. At the same time, more than a fourth of students demonstrated unrealistic expectations related to the possibility of legitimate employment abroad, and expressed their belief that they would easily get work permit once they have already arrived in other country. Young people have most faith in information about certain job offers coming from their close relatives and information received through legitimate employment agencies. It is, however, significant that as many as 15, 7 percent of students would accept any job under the condition that it is well paid, and 16 percent of students would accept a job even when they are not well informed about employment conditions and the employer. At the same time, approximately two fifths of the participants would like to move to some other state for a longer period of time. Students who give more importance to entertainment, money and career success have a stronger wish to migrate. Generally, the results show that males, students attending vocational schools and students of lower grades are more inclined to underestimate the risk of becoming victims of trafficking in human beings. They also more often have views and convictions due to which they may be inclined to high-risk behaviour and they have smaller capacity to face negative influences and manipulation attempts of human traffickers. The fact that the knowledge about the risks of trafficking in people is very uneven can be also seen from the data showing that not a single respondent was aware of all aspects of human trafficking ; they had knowledge just of some of its aspects. As possible ways of victimisation, the respondents (mainly participants in focus groups) recognised abduction, poverty, the search for employment, allurement (with false job offers predominating), risky behaviour of potential victims, the trade in children, but also wider social conditions in the states from which victims originate (like poverty, unemployment, lack of respect for human rights etc.). The possibility of victimisation through offered marriage proposals and intimate relationship has been recognised by a disturbingly small number of respondents. The results have also shown that many respondents place the problem of trafficking in human beings in the " third world" countries, whereas they see the possibility of victimisation in Croatia as negligible and unlikely. Majority of the young believe that they could never become victims of human trafficking (because the trafficking is not present in Croatia, because they are cautious, because they keep in good company etc.), yet there is a considerable number of those who think that the possibility exists. Among them, most think that they could become victims because they have not been sufficiently informed about possible difficulties and risks related to the search for employment abroad. Therefore, the fact that about approximately half of the young wish to learn more about human trafficking through some form of school education is not surprising. The requirement for information about concrete examples is especially marked, as well as information about the real extent of trafficking in human beings in our society. There is also a need for effective models of protection against trafficking in human beings. Another requirement is for providing potential victims with information of better quality about legal possibilities of employment abroad. A special group of answers comprises answers which propose that more attention be paid to trafficking in people by the media, including promotional videos, advertisements and thematic leaflets. The respondents have also recognised the need for introducing different security measures into the society (stricter punishments for perpetrators of this criminal act, stricter border control, greater police presence in the streets, higher-quality work of security services, fight against corruption etc.). It is interesting that almost half of the students propose that customers seeking prostitutes be punished as they see them as the cause of the problem. Some of the respondents spoke of the need for a wider social action, including greater respect for human rights, work towards the change of views such as the conviction that the money and wealth are the only paths towards satisfaction and happiness, encouragement of citizens' activism, renovation of the youth gathering places (sports grounds) and schools. They also spoke of the need that basic causes of human trafficking be removed. In the final part of the publication the authors propose different models of education of young people on trafficking in human beings aimed at reducing the risks of their victimisation. The proposed models include, at the girst level, special informative lectures for school classes, according to pre-designed protocol, as well as wide distribution of educational material in high schools. At the second level, additional education of some of the professors is also proposed, together with a further development of preventive programs focused on the development of identity and competence of young people, including providing support for their development which implies cooperation between system of education and other youth-oriented support systems in local communities. The third level of education aimed at preventing the trafficking in human beings includes a wide education on human rights, the encouragement of young people to actively participate in the development of their own social context and, in particular, the development of such an educational and wider social framework in which human rights in general will be promoted and protected to the greatest extent possible.

Letter from Mr. Jorge Almada Salido from the Almada Sugar Co. to Rodolfo Elías Calles requesting to give to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles $3,291.52. Correspondence between Rodolfo Elías Calles and Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles in which they treat several matters: cane sowing in 300 hectares of the Almada Sugar Company and a strike in Hermosillo. Mr. Almada asks to tell Epigmenio Ibarra to change the vouchers of the company "La Proveedora" and suggests to visit the building in Parque Melchor Ocampo. He says he is waiting for the settlement of the house in Lomas de Chapultepec and asks for a loan of $10,000 to finish the construction of the building in Parque Melchor Ocampo. He informs the car business is going well. The situation with the workers in Sonora is getting better and that the political situation is quiet but he believes that Gen. Pedro Almada has the support of Governor Anselmo Macías and the federal government. Correspondence related to the shipment of a Buick car to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles. Mr. Jorge Castellanos informs Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles that the car has not arrived and that Mr. Fernando Torreblanca is interested in buying the general's car if the price is fair. He also informs that Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles is suggesting getting in contact with Mr. Enrique del Castillo. Letter from Mr. Jorge Rodríguez to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles apologizing for not writing more often and informing that he sent messages regarding orders for car parts. He informs the construction work of the apartments in Parque Melchor Ocampo is almost done and that he is working to rent the apartments soon. He asks to send to the Mexico Tractor company the old pistons since the factory does not have the material to manufacture new ones. He sends the account statement corresponding to August 25, 1942. Letter from Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Fernando Torreblanca sending a letter he wrote to Mr. Francisco de P. Corella, regarding the birth certificates. He asks Rodolfo to send all the information needed to get the certificates. Letter from Rodolfo Elías Calles to B.A. Aarón Sáenz asking him to pay to Mr. Rodríguez the amount corresponding to the sale of construction material at the Hacienda El Mante. Telegram from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles to Rodolfo Elías Calles informing that Mr. del Castillo will go see him. He tells him to use the Ouija board to clarify some things and that Alicia is suitable for the job. Letter from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles to Rodolfo Elías Calles telling him that he knows he has had issues with the cane sowing and that the spirit he contacted is Mr. del Castillo, who will become his guide and will protect him. Telegram from Mr. Abelardo B. Sobarzo to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles sending wishes for a soon recovery. Telegram from Mr. Fernando Dworak to Rodolfo Elías Calles asking him to send the receipt of the payment of the car insurance. Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles replies he has not received the insurance policy. Memorandum signed by B.A. Fernando Yllanes Ramos with the sentence of Mr. Alfonso Padilla Gilbert for the crimes of homicide and injuries. Telegram from Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Crisógono Elizondo informing that he sent the tractor parts. Telegram from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Jorge Almada informing that he will go to Navolato, Sinaloa. Deposit slip from the Mexican Bank Ltd. for a deposit made by Mr. Francisco Terminel to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles. Letter from Mr. Gustavo Elías Calles, Manager of the "Importadores y Exportadores S. de R.L. y de C.V." company to the "Automotriz Regional" Ltd. Company asking the shipment of ten "Swift" machines to be tested. Letter from the Mexico Tractor & Machinery Co. to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles sending two invoices. Letter from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis B. Oro confirming his trip, asking to have the offices and the workshop ready for a visit and reminding him about the payment of $25,000 due to him. He informs him he sent ten machines and asks him to inform him if he considers convenient to get more. Letter from Rodolfo Elías Calles to Engr. Luis Arturo Romo informing that Gen. Cazares got the license to extend canal four. He knows they began the work in canal six and asks him to help him find his lot. Telegrams from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis B. Oros asking to tell Flavio to see the lot no. 727 to know if it is convenient to get it. Telegram from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis Arturo sending the message he sent to Mr. Richardson Obregón in which he expresses his approval to get 400 hectares on block 727. Letter from Mr. Luis B. Oros to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles informing he received the letter and telegram related to the purchase of lot on block 727. He says he needs parts for the tractor and that Mr. Terminel agrees with the payment they talked about. He also tells him about different issues at the "Automotriz Regional" Ltd. and says there is a problem with the income statements. Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles replies he sent the tractor parts he needed and that he hopes that the missing parts can be manufactured in Mexico City. He says it is important that he travels to Navolato for the cane harvest and clarifies things about the settlement payment of Mr. Terminel. He informs about his health. Letter from Mr. Agustín Rivas to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles informing he received his letter and the tractor parts. The matter with the Farmall tractor nor the matter of the seed sold to Urrea have been solved. He continues working in the cane sowing. Telegram from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis Oros informing he traveled to Ciudad Obregón and asking to reserve a double room. // Carta que envía el señor Jorge Almada Salido, de la Cía. Azucarera Almada S.C. en Liqu. Jcl., a Rodolfo Elías Calles solicitándole que entregue al general PEC la suma de $3,291.52. Correspondencia en la que Rodolfo Elías Calles le trata al general PEC diversos asuntos y negocios: la siembra de caña en 300 hectáreas de los terrenos de la Compañía [Azucarera Almada S.C.], en Culiacán, Sin.; una huelga en Hermosillo, le pide que le diga a Epigmenio Ibarra que cobre los cupones restantes de [la Proveedora General] Popo, le sugiere que visite el Edificio del Parque Melchor Ocampo y le dice que espera su pronta instalación en la casa de las Lomas de Chapultepec; le pide que le preste $10,000.00 para la terminación del Edificio del Parque Melchor Ocampo, dinero que espera recuperar sin contratiempos, pues espera que el edificio sea un buen negocio; le informa que el negocio de la venta de automóviles ya comenzó a dejar utilidades, que la situación obrera en el estado de Sonora ya regresó a la normalidad y que la cuestión política se encuentra en calma pero persiste la creencia de que el general Pedro Almada cuenta con el respaldo del gobernador [Anselmo] Macías y del gobierno federal. Correspondencia relativa al envío, por orden del señor Rodolfo Elías Calles, vicepresidente de Automotriz Regional, S.A., que se hizo al general PEC de un automóvil Buick sedán; contestándole el señor Jorge Castellanos que el auto no ha llegado y diciéndole que el señor Fernando Torreblanca se interesa en comprar el automóvil de su padre, siempre y cuando el precio sea justo; también le dice que su padre recomienda que intente establecer comunicación con el maestro Enrique del Castillo. Carta que envía el señor [Jorge Rodríguez] a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que lamenta no haberle escrito con mayor regularidad pero que sí le ha enviado mensajes relativos a pedidos de refacciones; también le dice que las obras de los departamentos del parque Melchor Ocampo están por concluir y que ya trabaja para su pronto arrendamiento; por último le pide que envíe a la Mexico Tractor los pistones viejos, pues la fábrica carece de aluminio para fabricar unos nuevos; le adjunta el estado de cuenta correspondiente al 25 de agosto de 1942. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Fernando Torreblanca adjuntándole la carta que dirigió al señor Francisco de P. Corella, relativa a la obtención de las actas de nacimiento de todos sus hermanos, para que le remita a ese señor todos los datos necesarios a fin de obtener dichos documentos. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al licenciado Aarón Sáenz solicitándole que le pague al señor Rodríguez el importe de la factura que les presentó, correspondiente a la venta de los materiales de la bodega de la Hacienda El Mante. Telegrama que envía el general PEC a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que el maestro [Enrique del Castillo] estará con él, que use la tabla para aclarar puntos de su carta a Castellanos y que Alicia es la indicada para trabajar. Carta que envía el general PEC a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que se enteró de sus dificultades para sembrar caña y que es indiscutible que se trata del maestro del Castillo la entidad con la que ha establecido contacto, quien será su guía y protección. Telegrama que envía el señor Abelardo B. Sobarzo al señor Rodolfo Elías Calles deseándole su completo restablecimiento. Telegrama que envía el señor Fernando [Dworak] a Rodolfo Elías Calles solicitándole que le remita el recibo que acompaña la póliza automotriz que le envió; contestándole Rodolfo Elías Calles que no ha recibido la póliza a que se refiere. Memorándum suscrito por el licenciado Fernando Yllanes Ramos, del Bufete Yllanes Ramos, en el que consigna los hechos relativos al homicidio y lesiones que cometió el señor Alfonso Padilla Gilbert respectivamente en las personas de Francisco L. Padilla -su medio hermano- y licenciado Lorenzo Rosado Domínguez -abogado de éste-, con motivo de un desacuerdo en la herencia de la sucesión de su padre, el señor José G. Padilla; asimismo aduce las razones por las que debió de haberse aceptado la procedencia de la excluyente de responsabilidad, pues el señor Alfonso Padilla delinquió en un estado de inconciencia de sus actos -se encontraba bajo el influjo del alcohol- y por lo tanto es procedente se le conceda el amparo y la protección de la Justicia Federal. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Crisógono Elizondo diciéndole que ya salieron las refacciones de su tractor. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Jorge Almada diciéndole que pasará a Navolato, Sin. Ficha de depósito realizado en el Banco Mexicano, S.A. por Francisco Terminel en favor de Rodolfo Elías Calles. Carta que envía Gustavo Elías Calles, gerente general de Importadores y Exportadores, S. de R.L. y de C.V., a Automotriz Regional, S.A. diciéndoles que les remiten diez máquinas sumadoras marca "Swift" para que prueben su desempeño. Carta que envía la Mexico Tractor & Machinery Co., S.A. a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que le adjuntan dos facturas, cuyo importe ya fue cubierto. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis B. Oros confirmándole su viaje, pidiéndole que arreglen la Automotriz [Regional, S.A.] para darle una mejor presentación y diciéndole que debe pagársele el cargo de $25,000.00 por la aceptación que le firmó Terminel; concluye informándole que le envió diez máquinas sumadoras para que le diga si es conveniente adquirir más. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al ingeniero Luis Arturo Romo diciéndole que el general Cazares informó que consiguió permiso para la prolongación del canal cuatro, que entiende que se iniciaron los trabajos del canal seis y solicitándole su ayuda para definir la localización de su terreno. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis B. Oros solicitándole que le pida a Flavio que vea el cuadro setecientos veintisiete para poder precisar si conviene adquirirlo. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis Arturo Romo trascribiéndole el mensaje que dirigió a Richardson Obregón, en el que manifiesta su conformidad con la localización de su solicitud de 400 hectáreas sobre la manzana 727. Carta que envía el señor Luis B. Oros a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que recibió la carta y el telegrama relativos al lote que desea adquirir en el cuadro 727, que faltan refacciones para el tractor de Elizondo y que Terminel está de acuerdo con el pago del giro del que hablaron; también le numera diversos asuntos acerca de la Automotriz Regional, S.A. y le dice que existe un problema respecto a sus comprobantes de ingresos, pues debido a que Astiazarán destruyó los archivos de comprobantes resultó que tienen mayores ingresos que los que indica la General Motors; contestándole Rodolfo Elías Calles que le envió por correo las piezas para tractor que faltaban, y que las restantes confía en que puedan ser fabricadas en la ciudad de México; también le dice que urge su viaje a Navolato por el inicio de la zafra y le aclara algunos puntos sobre el pago de la liquidación que le hará Terminel; por último le comenta algunas aspectos sobre su enfermedad. Carta que envía el señor Agustín Rivas a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que recibió su carta y las refacciones para tractor, que no se ha resuelto lo de los aditamentos para el tractor Farmall ni lo de la semilla vendida a Urrea y que sigue trabajando en la siembra de caña. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis Oros diciéndole que salió rumbo a Ciudad Obregón y solicitándole que le aparte una habitación doble.

HOTEMBEB, 1904 VOL. XIIL HO. 6 GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. '»! OH. EL wtmiom, onmiun i IB^BBi'BB'i'ffiaiiU'mnvuBlTtliU I U u . i , nlUlk/li I 11/ 1 HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intepcollepte Bureau or Academic Costume. Chartered igoz. Cottrell 6 Leonrard Albany, N. Y. v-vvvvw^rv-v-Nrvv-wwwwTrw Makers of Caps, Gowns, Hoods 9oll indeed, the affection of the individuals differ according to the disposition and environment of each. Let us first consider Orlando and Rosalind, for they are the leading characters in the play, and their love is typical of the extreme romance. There are those who laugh to scorn the idea of love at first sight, yet in his description of these characters, as well as in the courtship of Oliver and Celia, and the sudden passion aroused in Phebe, upon the appearance of the supposed Gany-mede, the great artist seems to encourage at least the possibility of such a condition. With both Rosalind and Orlando, pity is an aid of passion. She fears for his youth, and is sorry to see him in the supposed power of Charles the Wrestler, from which she thinks he may not escape; she also hears rumors of his brother's unkindness and base schemes, and her sympathy hav-ing been aroused, causes her to make the first advances. He, flattered by the attention of Rosalind, is next interested in her lineage, and finally pities her because of her position at the court of her father's banisher. Thus, love, already aroused through mutual admiration and sympathy, is depicted as well under way after the first meeting. Orlando cannot conceive of love for a peasant; he is at-tracted by Rosalind as Ganymede, but cannot understand his brother's love of Celia. It is a question whether he would 196 THE MERCURY. have loved Rosalind had she came to him in the forest dis-guised as a simple shepherdess. Perhaps he would have seen through the disguise at once in that case, as he eventually did with Ganymede ; otherwise his sense of refinement alone would, we believe, have kept him true to Rosalind, no matter how at-tractive the peasant might have been. The nature of Orlando was full of a sensitiveness which was entirely lacking in Oliver; and, although there was nothing of the " snob " in his disposi-tion, we cannot imagine him as the lover of a common shep-herdess, even a disguised one. So much for the influence of previous life and environment upon the love passion. Al-though Orlando had never received the training of a gentleman, the instincts of one were paramount with him. Rosalind also showed her instinctive pride of birth. It mattered not to her how many peasants saw her in manly garb, she did not care for them, but as soon as she met Orlando and Jacques, men of her own rank, in the forest, an underlying feeling of shame be-gan to assert itself, and she was truly content only after she had introduced Hymen and could greet her lover as her natural self. Thus the passion of Rosalind and Orlando is typical of that highly refined romance which, although it is often overlooked by the present-day enthusiast, (who would bring the principles of " free and equal creation " even into the home circle) yet has made, and will continue to make, the happiest and, most en-during of wedlocks. In fact, this romance constitutes all the great principles of " Kind to Kind," and proves only too well the saying that " Ordinary men generally prefer ordinary women, and vice versa." That there are exceptions, as far as the knowledge of birth is concerned, is shown by the courtship of Oliver and Celia. True love was here, undoubtedly, but its annals are commonplace when compared with those of Rosa-lind and Orlando. Celia is typical of many women of yester-day, to-day and to morrow; she was satisfied with little. Per-haps she would not have understood that higher degree of passion which can give up everything for its object; and, find-ing that object unworthy, die a death which is far worse than that of material things. It is well that there are many Celias • • ■MHIIU1'1' THE MERCURY. 197 ' in the world; without them life would be too hard for every-day living. The love of Silvius for the capricious Phebe po- ' sesses true romance. He is a type of that lowly love which remains faithful to its object despite all drawbacks, the." love which knows not fear;" recognizing the glaring faults of his sweetheart, and making no attempt to conceal them, he yet re-mains true to her, and in the end is rewarded. Silvius, although a peasant, is one of the most interesting characters on account of the strength of his dog-like devotion which, contrasted with the behavior of William, who weakly allowed a fool to carry off the object of his affection, is truly charming. And now comes the saddest example, yet alas, it is also quite a portrayal of human desire: The relationship between Audrey and Touchstone. He was a fool, this is his only excuse, and with him let us class all those who would seek entertainment and relief from dullness in the name of love's sacred passion. That he did not really care for Audrey, and wished to marry her in such a way that he might be easily rid o! her should he so desire, he does not attempt to deny. And she,; her only reason in leaving her rustic lover for the court fool was to be-come " a fine lady." Is not even Phebe, with all her faults and impetuosity, superior to Audrey ? The object of her desire, however unnatural it may seem, was, she believed, genuine love, while that of Audrey was pure ambition. So we would say that Jaques' idea of the stage of life and its many actors is only too true. Not a single one renders the great drama of love perfectly, yet each one is perhaps but play-ing an appointed part, and, despite the many different kinds of it in life, let us hope that the poets are right in saying: "'Tis love that makes the world go 'round." I 198 THE MERCURY. THE SPIRITUAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DANTE. BY CHARLES FRY. [Contributedfor the Pen and Sword Prize Essay Contest,.] DANTE was born of noble parentage in Florence in 1265. He was given the best education that his day could af-ford. He took an active part in the politics of his city and while he was away at Rome his enemies took possession of the government and passed a sentence exiling him, only permitting him to return, provided he paid a heavy fine within two months. Dante spurned the offer. However, within two months a second sentence was passed which condemned him to be burned at the stake if he should ever be found in Florence. During the re-mainder of his life he became a wanderer. He died in 1321 at Ravenna after completing his immortal poems. Within the last decade renewed interest has centered itself in Dante. Today the American people are applying themselves more assiduously to the power of spiritual conception. Dante, the great poet of spiritual truths, has touched the hearts of the people. In him they find a balm for their troubled souls. He leads his reader upward through various experiences until his faith finds its culmination in God. To realize the deep spiritual power of Dante, every event of his life must be clearly traced. He lived a life of spiritual en-thusiasm. There are three distinct periods of his life. First, his simple faith in God; Second, infidelity and pride rule his soul, and Third, the triumph of his spiritual power in God. In his early youth Beatrice transformed his whole life. She was his vision of an ideal girl. Her life became an inspiration to him. She led his soul upward toward God. He worshipped God in simple child-like faith. Beatrice died at the age of twenty-four. For the first time in his life he received his greatest sorrow. His whole life be-came changed. Thus he entered upon the second epoch in his life. Doubt clouded his soul. God seemed to be a venge-ful monster. Pride ruled his heart. For a time he seemed to lose control of himself. Where were those lofty ideals which MHMHMb THE MERCURY. 199 ■marked his earlier days ? Gone ? Ah, they were not gone forever! At last Dante realized his own peril in the stand he had taken against God. Beatrice appeared to him in a vision and pointed out the way to him. She had guided him through Heaven after Heaven where he learned his world wide message. Even St. Peter and Caceiaguida appeared to him and charged him to deliver his message. He felt that he was a prophet sent from God, and that he had a divine mission to fulfill. He had a message for the world from the most high God. He de-livered his message to the world through his greatest immortal poem—the " Divine Comedy." Thus began the third epoch of his life. The message of the poet-prophet was, that a man's soul •bound to the earth by sinful passions, and realizing its danger, •can only gain spiritual happiness 'and bliss by seeking com-munion and fellowship with the Infinite. The " Inferno," the first great book of the poem, pictures the horrors of sinful lives. In this horrible black place there is •" wailing and gnashing of teeth." Into such a place Dante entered. The " Inferno" is an experience. In writing his poem Dante draws largely upon his own life when he was beset ■with sin and associated with evil. He knew the suffering sin created. Sin has its various powers. Dante strongly believed the greater the sin the farther away the sinner was separated from God. Sin caused the judgment of God to pass upon the evil doer. Dante continually points out that sin creates a foul atmos-phere. When the soul breathes such air it becomes tainted .and destroys the purity in it. Sin causes the fairest rose to become brown and seared. Men who lead lives hostile to God are punished. The philosophers of Dante's day taught that the soul's noblest work was the quiet contemplation of God. The bondage of sin prevented this contemplation. Sin binds its followers to deep suffering. Dante followed Virgil very closely as he journeyed through 200 THE MERCURY. the terrible place fearful of the awful suffering around them. He was happy when they left those unhappy scenes behind. Dante continues in his search for freedom from sin. Guided by Divine Help he comes to Purgatory. In the " Inferno" he painted the hideous nature of sin. The effects of sin upon the soul are clearly described in the " Purgatorio." Here he per-formed the acts of expiation. Throughout the poem when he comes to rugged paths and tortuous ways God gives him help. A deep spiritual problem which confronted Dante was : How could he forget the evil things which he had done ? Although God had forgiven his terrible sins yet they were deeply rooted in his own memory. How rid his memory of them forever?" Many of the world's greatest philosophers have been unable to solve this question. Although there is a change of life yet . alas, how often comes the recollection of a Godless past! Dante solved the question for himself. With true poetic power he drew a beautiful picture. He drank of the waters of the river Lethe, and then the knowledge of his sins was forgotten. There is both a poetic and practical lesson to be drawn from this scene. Dante realized it was through the kindness of God that he forgot about the past. The " Paradise-," the last portion of the grand poem is the culmination of his spiritual joy. Dante considered the " Para-diso" his greatest triumph. With Beatrice he learns the glories of the Most High God. His deep study of religious problems led him to know God is- " Light, Life and Truth." Upon these foundations, Dante built his noble poem. He insisted that a strong point in religious life is to be con-tent with the lot God has given one. The human will must acquiesce to the will of God. Too often discontentment has led to the abuse of God's teachings. Peace and happiness are two fundamental principles in a Christian's life. Dante's spirit truly became content when he was compelled to be a wanderer on the earth.ljj^He learned it from deep experience. At last Dante and Beatrice pass into the resplendent Empy-rean. Here they see God in all his glory. Peace, joy and love THE MERCURY. 20I reign there. He is at first blinded by the dazzling light, but as he is a true worshipper of the most High his eyes are given power to see the Empyrean beauties. Dante discovered in his various experiences that behind all suffering and trouble there is a God of love and justice, and an interceding Saviour. Dante occupies an unique place in the history of the world. He stood at the opening of a new epoch. The debt the world owes him can never be repaid; fie popularized literature ; he raised the standard of literature so high that few have been able to attain it; he helped to settle questions concerning church and state; and his greatest achievement was that by his won-derful intellectual endowments he was able to grasp spiritual ideals. He worked with a spiritual enthusiasm that has never been equaled. He pondered and thought until he understood. Thus the world has received the " Divine Comedy "—an im-perishable monument of honor and glory. York Street, Gettysburg:, Pa. 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This series is produced by the Health, Nutrition, and Population family (HNP) of the World Bank's Human Development Network (HDN). The papers in this series aim to provide a vehicle for publishing preliminary and unpolished results on HNP topics to encourage discussion and debate. The cost of a health insurance program will largely be determined by the size and composition of the covered population, the benefit package, cost sharing arrangements, the current and future supply of health care providers and facilities, and the provider payment mechanisms used. This note summarizes in broad strokes the subset of the possible Universal Coverage (UC) transition scenarios and their related costs in Indonesia. These scenarios were selected based on initial discussions with key stakeholders, and further broad-based discussion with stakeholders will be needed to finalize the design, financing and transition options. This note shows how decisions regarding the transition steps, benefit package and the choice of eligible population affect public Health Insurance (HI) expenditures as Indonesia transitions to UC. This work follows closely the earlier World Bank report health financing in Indonesia; a road map for reform.

The improvement in public finances since last year, coupled with buoyant revenue due to the commodity price recovery, has led to growing pressures for increased government spending. Recently approved budget amendments envisage a 4.5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) increase in spending on the originally approved 2010 budget, while the Mid-Term Budget Framework (MTBF) for 2011-2013 projects another 12.1 percent of GDP increase in spending in 2011. The main driver for the increases is the execution of promises made by both coalition parties to distribute monthly percentage rate, or MNT 1.5million (around US$1000) to each citizen in the form of cash and non-cash handouts and large public sector wage increases planned for October of this year. If these public spending plans materialize, they will set the stage for a renewed bout of high inflation and a possible return to the macroeconomic vulnerability characteristic of the boom-and-bust cycle of the recent past. In the real sector, the impact of increasing inflation is evidenced through a decline in real wages. The latest informal wage survey indicates that on average, workers' nominal wages have increased by about 10 percent from January 2010 to June 2010; this is because of an increase in job opportunities in the construction sector. Real wages, however, have declined on average due to the significant increase in the consumer price index.