Suchergebnisse

Since the end of the last century Mexico has experienced a profound proces of political and electoral change which was reflected in its transition from a dominant party authoritarian regime to a competitive multiparty system. This paper has two parts and a concluding section. The first part focuses on major changes in a number of relevant dimensions of the Mexican party system, including electoral competitiveness, party fractionalisation, electoral volatility, nationalisation, and the aggregate distribution of partisan loyalties among the electorate (macropartisanship) over the last three decades. The analysis is based on aggregate electoral data at the national and the district level, as well as on data from surveys of public opinion. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment as well as growing competitiveness, fractionalisation, and nationalisation of the party system. The second part is a brief review of the factors driving the process of political and electoral change in Mexico.

Since the end of the last century Mexico has experienced a profound proces of political and electoral change which was reflected in its transition from a dominant party authoritarian regime to a competitive multiparty system. This paper has two parts and a concluding section. The first part focuses on major changes in a number of relevant dimensions of the Mexican party system, including electoral competitiveness, party fractionalisation, electoral volatility, nationalisation, and the aggregate distribution of partisan loyalties among the electorate (macropartisanship) over the last three decades. The analysis is based on aggregate electoral data at the national and the district level, as well as on data from surveys of public opinion. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment as well as growing competitiveness, fractionalisation, and nationalisation of the party system. The second part is a brief review of the factors driving the process of political and electoral change in Mexico.

The article tries to bring to the light the role of symbolism in the organized human life, in general, and the contemporary societies with the accelerating changes almost in all social structures, in particular. The rational of symbolism in changing socio-political and legal environment creates complexity of the issue, which has been studied in the article, taking into account the methodology of complex system theory. The interconnectivity and interdependency of law, morality and politics create the picture of synergy of different social norms with each other in changing environment. Their positive synergy is able to create a perception of the 'ethical state' – the focal point of equilibrium expressed in the attractor of future admired development. In the legal perspective, the symbol of that attractor appears to be the constitution as the society's and the nation's symbol of coexistence based on the values of mutual past, necessary present and admired future. It is substantiated that the Constitution is the phenomenon, representing a concrete constitutional idea and constitutional identity, and should be the one to be considered as such in a lot of people's minds if we intend to have a proper constitutional system and values. Hence, the Constitution is not just a document with a highest legal force, but also a symbol of a concrete constitutional system, and from this viewpoint the Basic Law has a symbolic significance. The authors substantiate that the mentioned significance of the Constitution makes it clear that constitutional policy in any state should be established and implemented in a manner, obviously demonstrating an attitude towards the Constitution, in the frames of which it is considered as a symbol of a concrete constitutional system. The most important circumstance in this context is to never transform the Constitution (directly or indirectly) from a symbol to an instrument in the hands of both the people and the state power and the whole constitutional policy of the state should be based on the discussed essential idea. Moreover, according to the authors the Constitution should not be subject to amendment parallel to every change of political situation of the state or formation of a new political majority merely conditioned by the mentioned changes. The Constitution has a fundamental role from the aspect of regulating social relations, has symbolic significance and can't be used just as a tool for solving ongoing political problems.

In recent decades, society has fundamentally changed; there are political changes affecting education and, consequently, demands on teachers' work change, as well as parents' and society's expectations of teachers. The main aim of this qualitative research is to map the changes in the conditions of teachers' work in the Czech Republic in the last thirty years according to the subjective perception of teachers-experts, i.e. respondents. The respondents are teachers who have been active in the profession for at least thirty years. All the respondents are women working as primary school teachers (Dáša, Lucie, Jana, Danka, Blanka, Dominika, Karolína).In the research we deal with the following areas: interpersonal relationships at the workplace, communication and cooperation with pupils' parents, and the teacher-pupil relationship.The most important results of this research are as follows. The respondents are aware of and perceive the decreasing authority of the teacher today. They point out that the teacher's authority has degraded in the eyes of pupils, parents, and society. The most widespread problem faced by teachers is the disruptive behavior of pupils, which may interfere with teaching.Moreover, today's teachers sometimes have to deal with parents who are completely uncritical of their children, whom they trust completely. When problems arise, these parents never see the root cause in their child but in other classmates or, most frequently, in the teacher. If a child receives a bad grade, these parents are willing to go to the teacher and try to find the error on their side rather than in their own children.

In recent decades, society has fundamentally changed; there are political changes affecting education and, consequently, demands on teachers' work change, as well as parents' and society's expectations of teachers. The main aim of this qualitative research is to map the changes in the conditions of teachers' work in the Czech Republic in the last thirty years according to the subjective perception of teachers-experts, i.e. respondents. The respondents are teachers who have been active in the profession for at least thirty years. All the respondents are women working as primary school teachers (Dáša, Lucie, Jana, Danka, Blanka, Dominika, Karolína).In the research we deal with the following areas: interpersonal relationships at the workplace, communication and cooperation with pupils' parents, and the teacher-pupil relationship.The most important results of this research are as follows. The respondents are aware of and perceive the decreasing authority of the teacher today. They point out that the teacher's authority has degraded in the eyes of pupils, parents, and society. The most widespread problem faced by teachers is the disruptive behavior of pupils, which may interfere with teaching.Moreover, today's teachers sometimes have to deal with parents who are completely uncritical of their children, whom they trust completely. When problems arise, these parents never see the root cause in their child but in other classmates or, most frequently, in the teacher. If a child receives a bad grade, these parents are willing to go to the teacher and try to find the error on their side rather than in their own children.

The objective of the paper is to shed light on the perspective of some new member states (NMS) of the European Union (EU) – in this case Poland – on the ambitious climate-energy endeavours undertaken at the supranational level. The economic consequences of implementing the most advanced plans would be to generate unproportionally high costs for the economy, energy production sector and, as a result, for the households' budgets. From the Polish perspective it would be counterproductive in terms of the energy security concept agreed in the strategic documents defining climate and energy policies in the 2030 time horizon. Despite the justification and rationale of the European climate crusade, the political and economic costs for some member states are high enough that they do not hesitate to threaten to veto in the EU Council meeting. This paper answers the question as to why the Polish veto on the climate-energy package was a real threat during the EU energy summit in December 2008.

The subject of considerations are the legal aspects of the influence of the EU climate and energy framework and trade policy on implementation of permanently sustainable forestry. Even though forestry belongs to the competences of Member States and there is no formal establishment of common forest policy in the TFEU, the new LULUCF Regulation and provisions of regulations regarding prevention of illegal timber trade prove that there is an ongoing process of subjecting forestry to the competencies of the European Union to a growing extent as well as reducing the area left to Member States. It must be stated that the platform for expansion of EU regulations on Member States' forestry in terms of land use and timber trade – acts adopted within the trade policy and climate and energy framework – is the principle of sustainable development that derives from international legislation and is also included in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. This principle is also the foundation for development of the beginnings of common forest policy that emerges at the verge of EU policies. ; Przedmiotem rozważań są prawne aspekty wpływu unijnej polityki klimatyczno-energetycznej oraz handlowej na realizację trwale zrównoważonej gospodarki leśnej. Mimo zaliczenia gospodarki leśnej do kompetencji krajów członkowskich i braku formalnego ustanowienia wspólnej polityki leśnej w TFUE nowe rozporządzenie LULUCF oraz przepisy rozporządzeń dotyczących przeciwdziałania nielegalnemu obrotowi drewnem świadczą o postępującym procesie coraz większego podporządkowania gospodarki leśnej kompetencjom Unii Europejskiej i redukowania obszaru zostawionego krajom członkowskim. Realizując cel rozważań, stwierdzić należy, że płaszczyzną ekspansji unijnej regulacji obejmującej gospodarkę leśną krajów członkowskich w sferze zarządzania gruntami, a także obrotu drewnem, a więc aktów przyjętych w ramach polityki handlowej i klimatyczno-energetycznej, jest zasada zrównoważonego rozwoju wywodząca się z prawa międzynarodowego, uregulowana także w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Zasada ta stanowi również podstawę do kształtowania się zalążków wspólnej polityki leśnej, wyłaniającej się na styku innych unijnych polityk.

The paper offers a case study of the Marianske Lazne administration as an example of the New Public Governance (NPG) approach ed in the Czech Republic. The focus is on the particular pillars representing the features of NPG. Until now, five months after the general election, the particular attention of the Pirate Party on the determinants of NPG objectives could be observed through: making all meetings of the board's expert commissions accessible for the general public; publishing all documents discussed by the town's council on the internet; making all the town's banking accounts transparent; creating a department of internal audit separated from the rest of the administration; granting the status of a permanent guest at the board's meetings to a representative of the opposition; doubling the frequency of the council's meetings; preparing new rules of procedure facilitating the participation of citizens in the council's meetings; strengthening the communication channels between the council on the one hand and the chairpersons of expert commissions and directors of municipal organisations on the other; cancelling the positions with unclear benefits for the town; and making the rules of using municipal funds more transparent. There are still mo re evident measures expected in the areas of the second and third pillars of the Pirates' program, that is the provision of quality services for citizens and vicular and the positive development of tfie town's spa industry.

Rated both positively and negatively, Shinzō Abe has achieved a lot as prime minister. He contributed to a new perception of Japan in the international arena. During the eight years of his rule in power, his administration carried out reforms aimed at better coordination of security policy, strengthened the position of the prime minister in this field, and increased the involvement of the SDF in ensuring security. They resulted primarily from changes taking place in its security environment: the development of North Korea's missile and nuclear program, the assertive attitude of the People's Republic of China, and an increase in arms spending and the intensification of Chinese military activity in the region (around the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands and in the South China Sea). The article aims to analyze the changes in the security policy introduced during the rule of Shinzō Abe in the internal aspect.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.