[ Climate policy]
In: Climate policy, Volume 2, Issue 2-3, p. 231-258
ISSN: 1469-3062
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In: Climate policy, Volume 2, Issue 2-3, p. 231-258
ISSN: 1469-3062
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: Economic policy, Volume 31, Issue 87, p. 503-558
ISSN: 1468-0327
In: Climate Change Policy and Global Trade; ZEW Economic Studies, p. 3-20
In: Caucasus analytical digest: CAD, Issue 124, p. 3-6
ISSN: 1867-9323
In April 2021, Georgia published its updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) document, setting more ambitious objectives and targets compared to the previous NDC. Although Georgia faces various national security threats, such as ongoing Russian occupation and the Covid-19 pandemic, it stays committed to the objectives of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Paris Agreement. With its insignificant share of the total global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and considering the country's national circumstances (as a developing country with high mountains and diverse climate regions, Georgia is already experiencing climate change impacts throughout its territory), adaptation is becoming a more urgent need for Georgia. However, it is still lacking a national adaptation strategy. Even though the climate policy of Georgia is outlined in several documents aiming to strengthen the country's commitment, they are lacking consistency. This article describes the climate change policy arrangement of Georgia, its particular national context, and challenges the country faces in its climate mainstreaming process.
Acknowledgements / Preface / Introduction / 1. The Physical Science of Climate Change / 2. The Economics of Climate Change / 3. Values in Climate Politics / 4. The Moral Foundations of Climate Action / 5. Crosscutting Issues in Climate Ethics / 6. Values in Mitigation Policy / 7. Values in Adaptation Policy / 8. Intergenerational Justice and Climate Policy / 9. Nature, Values, and Climate Policy / Bibliography / Index.
In an ideal inclusive political system, all citizens are equally able to influence and challenge policies. We focus on how inclusiveness affects climate policies and outcomes. We argue that more inclusive systems should produce more policies in response to environmental threats and should have better outcomes. We test these hypotheses using panel and cross-sectional data relating to climate policy outputs and outcomes. The results suggest that inclusiveness is positively associated with policy outputs, but probably not with lower emissions of greenhouse gases. This pattern may relate to a lack of deliberation in systems, which are relatively inclusive in the narrower sense of pluralist democratic theory.
BASE
In: Democratization, Volume 23, Issue 7, p. 1272-1291
ISSN: 1743-890X
World Affairs Online
In: China policy series 24
Introduction -- China's participation in global climate politics -- Is China's negotiating position responsible? -- China's energy and environmental bureaucracy -- Largest beneficiary from carbon trade -- China's effort to promote clean energy -- Controversial alternatives : great leap forward in hydro and nuclear energy -- Tianjin : model city of low-carbon economy -- Emerging civil society in China's climate politics -- Conclusion : motivations behind policy consistencies and variations.
In: Economic affairs: journal of the Institute of Economic Affairs, Volume 29, Issue 3, p. 57-62
ISSN: 1468-0270
Existing 'climate change' policy instruments should be withdrawn. Climate science cannot provide the knowledge that is needed to justify them. Anthropogenic global warming is a putative interpersonal conflict rather than market failure. Where property rights need protecting, tort litigation on the basis of strict liability is appropriate. By providing a public arena for the competitive testing of scientific hypotheses, such litigation would also promote the advancement of climate science.
In: Democratization, Volume 23, Issue 7, p. 1272-1291
ISSN: 1351-0347
In: Democratization, Volume 23, Issue 7, p. 1272-1291
ISSN: 1743-890X