Suchergebnisse

Lo studio vuole contribuire alla ricostruzione della storia della formazione delle collezioni del Museo Nazionale e della Biblioteca della Soprintendenza Belle Arti e Paesaggio di Ravenna, un progetto in atto da tempo. Nel caso specifi co si è focalizzato l'interesse sull'apporto dato da Enrico Pazzi attraverso il suo lascito. Enrico Pazzi, valente scultore residente per lo più a Firenze, fu l'ideatore e fondatore del Museo di Ravenna, inizialmente nato come Museo Bizantino e in corso d'opera mutato in Museo Nazionale. Al progetto, Pazzi lavorò a partire dal 1877 fi no alla morte, avvenuta nel 1899. Quando morì, lo scultore lasciò una consistente eredità costituita da oggetti archeologici e antiquariali, libri e disegni. L'indagine si è concretizzata nella ricerca di documentazione nell'Archivio Storico Comunale di Ravenna e nell'Archivio Storico della Soprintendenza Belle Arti e Paesaggio di Ravenna. I documenti individuati sono stati trascritti e commentati. Attraverso la documentazione si sono individuati alcuni importanti nuclei di materiali attribuibili alla generosità del fondatore del Museo, attualmente presenti nelle raccolte delle due istituzioni.This study aims to providing information about the development of the collections of the National Museum of Ravenna and of the Soprintendenza's Library. Research in this direction have started a long time, mostly by Luciana Martini. In particular the purpose is to focus the contribution given by Enrico Pazzi with his legacy. Pazzi was a skilled sculptor born in Ravenna, who lived mostly in Florence. He was the creator of the Museum of Ravenna. The museum was owned by the city and would have to call Byzantine Museum. During construction it came under the direction of the Government, and was entitled Museo Nazionale. Pazzi worked on the project from 1877 until his death, in 1899. When he died he left a substantial legacy consists of archaeological objects and older artworks, books and drawings. I have done my research mainly in the Historical Archive of Ravenna and in the Historical Archive of the Soprintendenza of Ravenna. The documents identifi ed were transcribed and annotated. Through documentation I have identifi ed some important groups of materials attributable to the generosity of Pazzi, that are currently in the collections of the Museum and of the Library.

This study investigates the influence of MPs' co-sponsorship activities on their agenda-setting success. It analyses the strategic choices open to MPs who engage in co-sponsorship, the resulting centralities in the co-sponsorship network, and the effects on the success of parliamentary proposals. MPs can develop their co-sponsorship efforts within their party family ('bonding') or beyond it ('bridging'), and they can use co-sponsorship both to receive political support ('support-seeking') and to provide it ('support-providing'). The success of these different co-sponsorship strategies is empirically assessed here by investigating the acceptance or refusal of parliamentary proposals introduced in the Swiss Parliament from 2003 to 2015. The bridging/supportseeking strategy that pro-actively recruits co-sponsors across party families is the most rewarding. This holds especially for MPs belonging to pole parties, who overall appear as more sensitive to centrality-related effects than MPs of moderate right parties.

This paper is part of a research project whose mission is to explore the contribution of serious games to the co-construction of just regions and cities, expanding on previous work on spatial justice (Lévy, Fauchille, Póvoas, 2018). Serious games are here defined as settings whose purpose is not primarily to entertain but to scaffold players simulated and iterative actions in low risk collective environments, orienting active play to the exploration of societal problems (Abt, 1970).This project approaches the co-construction of just spatial development by framing the conception and the use of games within a reinterpretation of the social contract of Hobbes, Rousseau and Rawls as a procedural device that operates in concrete social life, with regard to substantive topics. My hypothesis is that serious games can be instrumental in this finality, instituting citizens as full actors in the fabrication of public policy decisions towards more just geographies. This paper makes a contribution – through the angle of interactive democracy (Lévy, 2019) – to the ongoing debate that seeks to connect serious games and the fabrication of political objects. Combining deliberative and consultative activities to complement, rather than oppose, representative democracy, the concept and practices of interactive democracy propose interfaces and continuous communication channels between the political society (citizens, associations, etc.) and the political sphere. This paradigm lies on the principle that ordinary citizens can combine freedom of proposition with responsibility in dialogue and in co-decision and brings to the fore the role of mediation.After introducing the background of this research, this paper will advance two complementary contributions. Firstly, I will briefly review the history of serious games, sketching the process of incremental complexity through which the potential of games for mediation has unfolded in the last six decades. From an urban perspective, we can identify four stages in the evolution of game ...

contrary to the recovery strategy adopted in 2008, which focused exclusively on directly observable economic benefits, each public euro invested in overcoming the crisis will have to value environmental and health co-benefits. This is the bias of this note from I4CE and Terra Nova. With the increase in French public debt and the reduction in fiscal space over time, valuing all the co-benefits of public action is no longer a simple option but an imperative; this makes it possible, among other collective gains, to reduce the EUR 50 billion/year in air pollution costs in France. ; Note Terra Nova ; contrary to the recovery strategy adopted in 2008, which focused exclusively on directly observable economic benefits, each public euro invested in overcoming the crisis will have to value environmental and health co-benefits. This is the bias of this note from I4CE and Terra Nova. With the increase in French public debt and the reduction in fiscal space over time, valuing all the co-benefits of public action is no longer a simple option but an imperative; this makes it possible, among other collective gains, to reduce the EUR 50 billion/year in air pollution costs in France. ; Contrairement à la stratégie de relance adoptée en 2008, qui se concentrait exclusivement sur les bénéfices économiques directement observables, chaque euro public investi pour la sortie de crise devra valoriser les co-bénéfices environnementaux et sanitaires. Tel est le parti pris de cette note d'I4CE et de Terra Nova. Avec l'augmentation de la dette publique française et la réduction à terme des marges de manœuvre budgétaires, valoriser tous les co-bénéfices de l'action publique n'est plus une simple option mais un impératif; permettant, entre autres gains collectifs, de réduire les 50 milliards d'euros/an de coûts de la pollution de l'air en France.