Suchergebnisse

The article presents censorship reviews of Memoirs Found in a Bathtub by Stanisław Lem written in censorship offices in Cracow and Warsaw. As a result of the reservations expressed by censors, the author added a new preface to the novel which was accepted for the publication of the book without further interference. Numerous censorship documents dealing only with one novel clarify the circumstances of writing the foreword and also provide some insight to the censors' way of thinking, illustrate the most important control mechanisms and present formal evaluation criteria – both politically-ideological and aesthetic. The censors evaluating Lem's novel do not intend to go through the interpretative labyrinth of Memoirs…; they insist on author's unambiguous comments which would allow to neutralise political vagueness by the "appropriate" orientation of the novel. When accepting the new preface they seem to omit (yet it is not certain to what extant the omission is deliberate) the fact that the added foreword is another layer of the novel's fiction and is not a meta-comment which could be considered as the voice of the author.

Europe attracts and divides. It makes us dream, but it also has a reality with boundaries that shape our lives. What are the dynamics of integration? Whom does Europe sweep off their feet? Does European integration create community or does it lead to exclusion?

This publication contains the results of the research companies and expert analysis on the impact of cross-border cooperation on the competitiveness of small and medium-sized enterprises, thereby strengthening development processes in the peripheral regions. The research was conducted within the framework of the project "Development of cross-border economic co-operation subregion Bialystok-Suwalki and Grodno region of Belarus and subregion Przemysl and Krosno with Transcarpathian Oblast in Ukraine" co-financed by the European Union under the Cross-Border Cooperation Programme Poland-Belarus-Ukraine 2007-2013. Bialystok Personnel Training Foundation implemented the project in cooperation with a partner from Belarus State University in Grodno and partner of Ukraine, Foundation for the Development of Cross-Border Cooperation of Uzhhorod.

Ageing is a challenge that requires development and implementation of horizontal social policy, which should take into account the diversity of older adults and the division of interventions aimed at this population and on the image of old age. The complexity of the negative consequences of ageing shows that there is a need to enhance cooperation between the public sector, the commercial sector, the NGO sector, and the informal sector at all levels of social policy. The paper discusses models of multisectoral social policy and the possibilities of integrating social services. Its conclusions include directions for further research and social innovation.

Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie. ; Artykuł nie zawiera streszczenia w języku polskim ; Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie.

This publication was created as part of the Human Capital "PIP: The Future of professional Education - local partnership to increase the adaptability of vocational teachers" program at the request of the Regional Labour Office in Bialystok, in the framework of Measure 8.1 Development of employees and enterprises in the region, sub-measure 8.1.3 Strengthening the partnership for local adaptation, co-financed by the European Union under the European Social Fund. The aim of the project is to develop the end of June 2015 collaboration solutions of local institutions and companies for the modernization of enterprises and vocational schools in the Podlaskie region in terms of forms of work organization, forms of performing work, work-life balance and adaptability of professional teachers threatened with unemployment.

This publication provides a summary of the experience of the research and implementation project "PI-PWP: Innovation on the Cusp - testing and implementation of new methods of outplacement "carried out at the request of the Regional Labour Office in Bialystok, under the Operational Programme Human Capital, Measure 8.1 Development of employees and enterprises in the region, sub-measure 8.1.1 Supporting the development of professional skills and consultancy for businesses, co-financed by the European Union under the European Social Fund. The aim of the project was to adapt, create, evaluate, disseminate and implement in the Podlaskie Voievodship until the June 2015 two models of outplacement: for employers and employees of companies undergoing modernization and adaptation processes.

This publication provides a summary of the experience of the research and implementation project "PI-PWP: Innovation on the Cusp - testing and implementation of new methods of outplacement "carried out at the request of the Regional Labour Office in Bialystok, under the Operational Programme Human Capital, Measure 8.1 Development of employees and enterprises in the region, sub-measure 8.1.1 Supporting the development of professional skills and consultancy for businesses, co-financed by the European Union under the European Social Fund. The aim of the project was to adapt, create, evaluate, disseminate and implement in the Podlaskie Voievodship until the June 2015 two models of outplacement: for employers and employees of companies undergoing modernization and adaptation processes.

W artykule zostały postawione dwa następujące pytania badawcze: jak wygląda demokracja bez narodu (tutaj na przykładzie demokracji na poziomie ponadnarodowym w UE)?, oraz jakie są źródła takiej demokracji, skoro źródłem nie jest naród, a obszarem występowania nie jest państwo? Głównym paradygmatem teoretycznym, na jakim zostało oparte opracowanie jest teoria ponadnarodowość z elementami teorii demokracji oraz multi-level Governance (MLG). Demokracja ponadnarodowa w Unii Europejskiej, jest ulokowana na jednym, ponadnarodowym po¬ziomie w MLG, co oznacza, że nie jest ona przypisana do państwa i - co istotne - w praktyce dowodzi, że wcale nie musi ona mieć charakteru narodowego. W tekście pojawia się wstępna próba analizy teoretycznej odnoszącej się do demokracji ponadnarodowej w UE. W praktyce za¬interesowania Autora poszły w kierunku identyfikacji komponentów składowych pojęcia "demokracja ponadnarodowa" oraz źródeł tego zjawiska w Unii Europejskiej. ; This paper seeks answers to the following two research questions: whether it is possible to have democracy without people (here as an example of democracy at the supranational level in the EU), and what are the sources of such a democracy, if the source is not a nation, and the area is not a state? This paper provides a new approach to the theory of democracy and postulates to integrate a new type of democracy and traditional concept of democracy. The main theoretical paradigm on which the theory was based is supranationalism with elements of the theory of democracy and Multi-level Governance (MLG). Supranational democracy in the European Union is located on a supranational level of MLG, which means that it is not assigned to the state and - importantly in practice demonstrates that it does not have to have a national character. The text presents a preliminary attempt at a theoretical analysis related to supranational democracy in the EU. In practice, the author goes towards identifying the constituent components of the concept of "su¬pranational democracy" and the sources of this phenomenon in the European Union.

W 2010 r. na Węgrzech przejęła władzę partia V. Orbana – FIDESZ. Dzięki wysokiej wygranej w wyborach parlamentarnych (niemal 53% głosów, co przełożyło się na 263 mandaty, czyli o 5 więcej niż wynosi konstytucyjna większość) możliwe stało się wprowadzenie głębokich zmian (w tym uchwalenie nowej konstytucji). W opinii wielu organizacji stojących na straży demokracji, a także Unii Europejskiej, zagrażają one fundamentom systemu demokratycznego w tym kraju. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie rozwoju demokracji na Węgrzech po 1989 r., a przede wszystkim ocena zmian zachodzących w tym kraju po 2010 r. W oparciu o dostępne wskaźniki jakości demokracji (Freedom House oraz The Economist Intelligence Unit's Index of Democracy), podjęta zostanie także próba zweryfikowania tezy Janosa Kornaia, iż "Od lat 1989–1990 do wiosny 2010 r. na Węgrzech była demokracja. Już jej nie ma – formą rządów stała się autokracja" (Kornai, 2011). W artykule skonfrontowano również zarzuty stawiane węgierskim reformom przez społeczność międzynarodową z tym, co na ich temat mają do powiedzenia twórcy tychże reform. ; In 2010 the Fidesz party of V. Orban took power. Owing to the considerable majority they won in the parliamentary elections (nearly 53% of the votes, which translated into 263 mandates, five more than required for a constitutional majority) it was possible to implement profound changes (including a new constitution). In the opinion of numerous organizations guarding democracy and of the European Union, these changes pose a threat to the foundations of democracy in Hungary. The objective of this paper is to present the development of democracy in Hungary after 1989, and first and foremost to assess the changes that have taken place there after 2010. On the basis of accessible indices of the quality of democracy (Freedom House and The Economist Intelligence Unit's Index of Democracy), the paper also attempts to verify the statement by Janos Kornai who said that "from 1989–1990 to the spring of 2010 Hungary was democratic. Now democracy is gone – autocracy has become the form of governance" (Kornai, 2011). The paper also counterpoints the accusations of Hungarian reforms, voiced by international community, with the opinions of the authors of these reforms.

As of today the European Union is the space of freedom, security and justice. This entails the free movement of persons and the lack of internal borders. The establishment of the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union on 26th October, 2004 was another stage of the Member States' integration. With the increasing number of conflicts and the continuous development of the EU, Frontex ensures security of the EU citizens as well as helps the EU to harmonize its activities on all borders. It does so thanks to its appropriately trained staff and the co-operation between the Member States. This article emphasizes the increasing role of the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union. ; Artykuł nie zawiera streszczenia w języku polskim.

Niniejsza analiza stanowi przegląd pro- i antyeuropejskich postaw w życiu politycznym państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej w latach 1989-2004. Ich identyfikacja nie była sprawą prostą, gdyż profil środkowoeuropejskich formacji politycznych często zależał od tworzących je osobistości, a programy partyjne, zwłaszcza w pierwszym okresie postkomunizmu, nie nadążały za zmianami w otoczeniu zewnętrznym. W pierwszej połowie dekady, integracja z WE/UE, uznawana była za zagadnienie związane z polityką zagraniczną, co sprzyjało utrzymywaniu się powierzchownego konsensusu w tej kwestii. W miarę wchodzenia w szczegóły negocjacji i zbliżania się rozstrzygnięć następowało coraz silniejsze różnicowanie się sceny politycznej na trzy główne orientacje - "pro-europejską", "anty-europejską" oraz "eurosceptyczną" - na tle sporów wokół reform wewnętrznych i ich tempa, warunków członkostwa, stosunków z innymi krajami europejskimi czy docelowego modelu integracji. Zarówno dyskurs pro-jak i anty-europejski opierały się tu do pewnego stopnia na argumentach emocjonalnych, co nie sprzyjało pogłębieniu debaty na tematy związane z integracją. ; This analysis reviews pro-European and anti-European attitudes in the political life of Visegrad Group states in 1989-2004. It was not easy to identify these attitudes, as the profile of Central European political parties often depended on the personalities of their most prominent persons and their political platforms, especially during the first period of the post-communist era, and these did not keep pace with the changes that occurred around them. In the first half of the decade, integration with the EC/EU was considered an issue related to foreign policy. This was conducive to maintaining a superficial consensus on the matter. As negotiations went into more detail and their finalisation came closer, the political scene became more strongly diversified into three main orientations: "pro-European", "anti-European" and "Eurosceptic" - based on disputes concerning internal reforms and the pace of these reforms, membership conditions, relations with other European countries or the target integration model. Both pro-European and anti-European discourses were based to a certain extent on emotional arguments, and this did not lead to deeper debates on issues related to integration.

Artykuł jest próbą krytycznego socjologicznego spojrzenia na reformę samorządową przeprowadzoną w Polsce w 1990 r. oraz na jej kolejne korekty w 1999 i 2002 r. Krytyka ta odwołuje się do dwóch podstawowych koncepcji samorządu. Po pierwsze, do demokratycznych, obywatelskich, decentralizacyjnych idei Jerzego Regulskiego, głównego autora tej reformy. Po drugie, do rozwijanej w brytyjskim Institute of Local Government Studies koncepcji Michaela Clarka i Johna Stewarta dwóch typów relacji między władzą lokalną a mieszkańcami i co zatem idzie ‒ do dwóch typów zarządzania gminą: zarządzania zorientowanego na mieszkańca-klienta i zarządzania zorientowanego na mieszkańca-obywatela. Opierając się na krytyce tej reformy dokonanej przez samego Regulskiego piętnaście lat po jej wprowadzeniu oraz aktualnych danych zastanych i badaniach własnych, autor próbuje pokazać, że po kolejnych dziesięciu latach krytyka tej reformy jako niedostatecznie upodmiotowiającej mieszkańców jest co najmniej tak samo aktualna. Kanały demokratycznej artykulacji interesów różnych grup mieszkańców gmin są mało funkcjonalne, zwłaszcza w dużych miastach. ; In this paper the self-government reform of 1990 and its subsequent corrections of 1999 and 2002 are analysed from a sociological perspective. The critical analysis focuses on two basic concepts of self-governance: (i) the concept based on decentralisation, democratisation and citizenfocused government as represented by the main author of the reform Jerzy Regulski, and (ii) the concept currently being developed at the British Institute of Local Government Studies authored by Michael Clark and John Stewart, proposing two types of relations between a local authority and local residents, and consequently two types of commune and municipality (gmina) management: one oriented on the inhabitant-client and one oriented on the citizen-client relationship. Based on the criticism of the reform articulated by Regulski fifteen years after its implementation, as well as on the current data and his own analysis, the author proposes that today, after another ten years, the same criticism pointing to the still insufficient treatment of local residents as the main focus, or object of self-government concern, has lost none of its topicality. The channels of the democratic articulation of the interests of different groups of commune and municipality (gmina) inhabitants do not function properly, which is particularly evident in big cities.

The federal principle in Switzerland has been developing for centuries. It was a process that has not always proceeded in a peaceful manner. The creation of Swiss statehood required reconciling different groups and interests. Today's federal solutions in Switzerland allow for the peaceful co-existence of different language and religious groups. Another challenge is to reconcile the interests of wealthy and poor cantons. Understanding how this happened can provide guidance for further integration within the European Union, which in many aspects might be compared to Switzerland. ; Zasada federalizmu w Szwajcarii rozwijała się przez wieki. Był to proces, który nie zawsze przebiega ł w sposób pokojowy. Stworzenie szwajcarskiej państwowości wymagało pogodzenia różnych grup i interesów. Dzisiejsze rozwiązania federalne w Szwajcarii umożliwiają pokojowe współistnienie różnych grup językowych i religijnych. Kolejnym wyzwaniem było pogodzenie interesów bogatych i biednych kantonów. Poznanie mechanizmów federalizmu szwajcarskiego może stanowić wskazówkę dla dalszej integracji w ramach Unii Europejskiej, która pod wieloma względami przypomina Szwajcarię.