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Cilj je rada istražiti stabilnost koalicijskih vlada u Hrvatskoj 2000. – 2020. te se polazi od teze da je nestabilnost vlada uvjetovana nedovoljno obuhvatnim koalicijskim sporazumima i neučinkovitim mehanizmima rješavanja koalicijskih sukoba. U radu se prvo analiziraju koalicijski sporazumi s obzirom na veličinu i sadržaj koji je u njima zastupljen, a zatim se istražuju stvarni procesi koalicijskog upravljanja koji se događaju unutar "crne kutije" identificiranjem najčešćih sukoba i mehanizama s pomoću kojih se oni nastoje riješiti. U analizi se upotrebljavaju izvorni empirijski podaci prikupljeni intervjuima s bivšim članovima koalicijskih vlada, kao i koalicijski sporazumi, vladini programi, arhivska građa dviju dnevnih novina te arhivske baze vlade i parlamenta. Rezultati istraživanja doveli su do glavnog zaključka da zbog nedovoljno razrađenih i formaliziranih koalicijskih sporazuma koalicijske stranke nisu uspješne u upravljanju koalicijskim sukobima, stoga pribjegavaju ad hoc mehanizmu neformanog i vrlo personaliziranog odlučivanja koje se izgrađuje u malom gremiju čelnika koalicijskih stranaka. ; The aim of this paper is to explore the stability of coalition governments in Croatia in the period 2000–2020, starting with the premise that cabinet instability is influenced by the limited scope of coalition agreements and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. The paper first analyses coalition agreements with regard to their scope and content, and goes on to explore the actual processes of coalition governance that occur within the "black box" by identifying the most common conflicts and the mechanisms which are used to resolve these. The analysis uses original empirical data collected through interviews with former members of coalition governments, as well as coalition agreements, government programmes, the archives of two daily newspapers, and archival databases of the government and parliament. Research results have led to the main conclusion that due to insufficiently developed and formalised coalition agreements, coalition parties are not successful at managing coalition conflicts, so they resort to the ad hoc mechanism of informal and highly personalised decision-making which is generated by a small group of coalition leaders.

Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.

U ovome radu istražit će se uvjeti nastajanja i rok trajanja, tj. opstojnost jedne konceptualne integracije koja se pojavljivala u hrvatskome političkom diskursu za vrijeme predizborne promidžbe za parlamentarne izbore 2011. godine. Riječ je o blendu Kukuriku-koalicija koji je svojevremeno bio općeprihvaćen među političarima, ali i građanima Republike Hrvatske. Pojavljivao se u svim medijima, upotrebljavali su ga svi političari, jednako oponenti spomenute koalicije i njezini pripadnici. Iako je istodobno bio omiljen i omražen, premda se upotrebljavao izuzetno često, nakon određenog vremena ipak postupno nestaje iz jezične upotrebe. Ilustrirat ćemo stoga u ovome radu rađanje ove konceptualne integracije. Prikazat ćemo kada se ova konceptualna integracija najviše upotrebljavala te ćemo analizom anketnih odgovora i primjera prikupljenih s mrežnih stranica u razdoblju zadnjih godinu dana pokušati objasniti razlog(e) njezina nestanka iz današnjega političkog diskursa. ; This paper investigates the conditions of the emergence and duration, i.e. the survival, of a conceptual integration that appeared in Croatian political discourse during the pre-election campaign for the 2011 parliamentary elections. This is the KUKURIKU-COALITION blend, which was at one time generally accepted among politicians, but also among the citizens of the Republic of Croatia. It appeared in all media, it was used by all politicians, both opponents of the coalition and its members. Although it was both loved and hated, and although it was referenced extremely often, after some time it gradually disappeared from language use. We will therefore illustrate in this paper the birth of this conceptual integration. We will show when this conceptual integration was most used and we will try to explain the reason(s) for its disappearance from today's political discourse by analyzing survey responses and examples collected from websites over the last year.

Ovaj rad predstavlja testiranje eksplanatornog modela formulacije, a onda i razvoja institucionalnog ustroja politike srednjeg strukovnog obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj. Nalazi su bazirani na podacima prikupljenim putem 17 dubinskih, polustrukturiranih intervjua s osobama koje su od hrvatske neovisnosti do danas bile uključene u relevantne procese formulacije te politike. Sudionici su regrutirani iz redova tijela središnje države, županija, političkih stranaka, udruga poslodavaca, sindikata te relevantnih međunarodnih organizacija. Temeljna teza ove analize – kako tijela središnje države predstavljaju pozicijski najmoćnije aktere čiji je primarni cilj zadržati kontrolu odlučivanja o pitanjima financiranja, sadržaja učenja i standarda provedbe – nalazi tek djelomično utemeljenje u nalazima. Iako u cjelini gledano akteri središnje države doista predstavljaju najmoćniju skupinu, dinamike između ključnih aktera uglavnom su strukturirane oko djelovanja dviju relativno stabilnih te kompetitivno orijentiranih koalicija: "obrazovne" i "gospodarske". Pritom se dio aktera središnje države u većini procesa svrstava u jednu, a dio u drugu koaliciju. ; This paper presents an application of the explanatory model aimed at formulation and institutional development in the field of the Croatian upper secondary vocational education. Data was collected via 17 in-depth semi-structured interviews with informants directly involved in formulating relevant policy documents from the independence onwards. Informants were affiliated with competent central state entities, counties, employers' associations, trade unions and relevant international organizations. The overall thesis that central state actors hold the greatest positional power over key institutional features such as financing, learning content and standards of delivery, is but partially validated. Indeed, central state actors represent the most powerful group. However, dynamics are predominantly structured around workings of two relatively stable and competitive coalitions: "the educational" vs. "the economic", with the affiliation of central state actors commonly split between these two coalitions.

Autorica u članku stavlja naglasak na analizu života i djelovanja dr. Pere Magdića (1863.–1922.), odvjetnika i političara pravaške orijentacije, u razdoblju nastanka i razvoja "modernoga pravaštva" u Varaždinu, njegova usmjerenja prema politici "novoga kursa" i stvaranju Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije. Ujedno je rad prikaz društveno-političkih prilika u sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj u jeku previranja na prijelazu iz XIX. u XX. stoljeće. ; This paper analyses the life and work of Dr Pero Magdić (1863–1922), a lawyer and politician who accepted the Party of Right's ideology at the time when "Modern Rightism" was being created and developed in Varaždin, as well as his support for the "New Course" policy and the creation of the Croat- Serb Coalition. In addition, this work presents the socio-political situation in northwest Croatia on the turn of the 20th century. The first part of the text describes the social conditions of the rise of Rightism in Varaždin in the mid-1880s as a result of the discontent of the citizens of Varaždin with the slow modernisation of their region, which made it a peripheral part of the national and Central European space. The second part examines the effects of Khuen's growing autocracy on the ranks of his opposition, the echoes of the split in the Party of Right in Varaždin, and the reasons for Magdić's alignment with Folnegović's faction. The third part analyses the beginnings of the renewed affirmation of the opposition in Varaždin (1898–1905), in which Magdić played a key part. The events in Varaždin in 1903 confirmed him as one of the leaders of the opposition (but not the Pure Party of Right). His support for the Rijeka Resolution and the "New Course" policy allowed him to become a member of the Croatian Parliament on the list of the Croat-Serb Coalition in 1906 and to hold various important political offices, e.g. that of Deputy Speaker of the Croatian Parliament (two mandates; 1908–1910 and 1913–1918), Croatian representative at the Hungarian-Croatian Parliament in Budapest, and Mayor of Varaždin (1910, 1914–1918).

U članku se analiziraju karakteristike televizijskog izvještavanja tijekom predizborne kampanje za izvanredne parlamentarne izbore 2016. godine po načelu uravnotežena izvještavanja i jednake zastupljenosti dvaju najvećih političkih rivala, HDZ-a i Narodne koalicije, u središnjim informativnim emisijama na Hrvatskoj radioteleviziji, RTL televiziji i Novoj TV. Analizirano je 75 izbornih blokova u trajanju od 64 440 sekundi. Uzorak je reprezentativan. Izborni blokovi odvojeni su grafičkim paketom. U njima je emitirano 1327 tonskih ulomaka u trajanju od 32 890 sekundi. Rezultati su pokazali neznatna odstupanja od načela jednake zastupljenosti u trajanju i broju izjava na svim trima televizijama. Sličan je rezultat i kada se promatra zastupljenost predsjednika najvećih stranaka, Andreja Plenkovića iz HDZ-a i Zorana Milanovića iz SDP-a (Narodna koalicija). ; The paper analyzes characteristics of television reporting during thepre-election campaign for the early parliamentary elections in 2016, on the principle of balanced reporting and equal representation of the two largest political rivals, the Croatian Democratic Union and the National Coalition, in the central news programs on the Croatian Television, at RTL and Nova TV. There were 75 elective blocks analyzed for 64 440 seconds. The sample is representative. Electoral blocks are separated by a graphic package. They emitted 1327 tonal fragments for 32,890 seconds. The results showed slight deviations from the principle of equal representation in duration and the number of statements at all three televisions. Similar results are also seen in the representations of the presidents of the largest parties, of Andrej Plenković from the Croatian Democratic Union and Zoran Milanovic from the Socialist Democratic Party (National Coalition).

U radu autor analizira djelovanje Samostalne demokratske stranke (SDS) u Slavoniji i Srijemu 1924.-1929. Čitatelj se upućuje na okolnosti nastanka stranke, ustroj stranačke infrastrukture, etničku i socijalnu strukturu, tisak te rezultate na parlamentarnim, oblasnim i lokalnim izborima. SDS je, usprkos isticanju unitarističke dogme o jedinstvenom jugoslavenskom narodu, počivao na podršci srpskih birača i nalazio se u stalnom nadmetanju s radikalima za poziciju najjače srpske stranke slavonsko-srijemskog prostora. ; In this paper the author analyses the activities of the Independent Democratic Party (SDS) in Slavonia and Syrmia from 1924 to 1929. The reader will be familiarised with the circumstances of the development of the party, the organization of the party's infrastructure, the ethnic and social structure, the press and the results of parliamentary, regional and local elections. Although the Independent Democratic Party advocated the unitary dogma of a single Yugoslav nation, it was drew on the support of Serbian voters and constantly competed with the Radicals for the position of the most powerful Serbian party in the Slavonian-Syrmian territory. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia managed during the last four and a half years of the parliamentary regime of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to make itself into a significant political factor. In the territories of the Virovitica and Požega County it was in a constant struggle with the Radicals for the position of the second most important political power, while in the territory of the Syrmian County it lagged behind the Radicals. However, it did not succeed in approaching Radić's Party which during that period succeeded in keeping the position of dominant political party. With respect to the Democratic Party that it had emerged from, the conclusion can be drawn that it attracted the majority of the members and adherents of the former united Democrats. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia drew heavily on the support of the Serbian electorate. On the one hand, this implies that the party had not entirely succeeded in affirming its unitary Yugoslav political platform, since it was evident that it was rejected by the Croats, the majority population. The struggle for the sympathy of the Serbian voters naturally led to fierce political confrontations with the Radicals, which were only temporarily calmed by the coalitions of the two parties at the level of the state as a whole. At the same time the Independent Democratic Party above all proved to be the political representative of the Serbian peasantry of the Slavonian-Syrmian area which implied confrontations with the Radicals and also with the ever-greatger influence of farmers. Various forms of para-political organization on which the unique Democratic Party had been successfully working before the party split (Peasant Councils, Voluntary Association and the Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists) considerably supplemented and thereby strengthened the power of the Independent Democratic Party after spring 1924. While monarchism and the Serbian electoral base considerably facilitated a short-term coalition with the Radicals in 1925 (National Block), the Independent Democratic Party and the Croatian Peasant Party (Peasant Democratic Coalition) shared lesser connecting features. The party leadership and certain sincere supporters of a coalition with Radić's Party (the leader of the Party in Osijek, Milan Stijić or the Pakrac Orthodox priest Danilo Podunavac) endeavoured to ease the ideological and programme differences by emphasizing the mutual menace to both the Croats and Serbs of the transriparian Serb areas. However, other Slavonian-Syrmian party leaders (Svetislav Popović and Milenko Marković) considered an alliance with the Croatian Peasant Party to be a great violation of the dogma of the national unity of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or a threat to the centralistic state. Hence, it would be no exaggeration to state that Alexander's undemocratic act (probably) pre-empted a schism within the Independent Democratic Party.

Ovaj rad bavi se utjecajem odabranih varijabli na proračunsku transparentnost lokalnih (regionalnih) jedinica. Proračun je jedan od najvažnijih izvora informacija koji omogućuje pregled trenutnog financijskog stanja promatranih jedinica. Kako bi se provjerile zadane pretpostavke provodi se Poissonova regresija. U radu se koriste odrednice proračunske transparentnosti 428 općina, 127 gradova te 20 županija. Odabrane varijable su političari izabrani u prvom krugu izbora, ljevica na vlasti, koalicija na vlasti, visokoobrazovani političari, dob političara te deficit/ suficit. Pretpostavke rada su da varijable političar izabran u prvom krugu i koalicija na vlasti negativno utječu na transparentnost, a varijable ljevica na vlasti, dob političara i deficit pozitivno utječu na transparentnost. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti da ljevica na vlasti pozitivno utječe na transparentnost općina, dok se ostale varijable nisu pokazale statistički značajnim. ; This thesis deals with the influence of selected variables on the budget transparency of local (regional) units. The budget is one of the most important information that allows you to review the current financial position of the observed units. In order to check the default assumptions, Poisson's regression is performed. This paper uses budget transparency constraints for 428 municipalities, 127 cities and 20 counties. The selected variables are politicians elected in the first round of elections, the left-wing government, the coalition of senior, educated politicians, the age of politicians, the deficit / surplus. The assumptions of the thesis are that the variable "politician elected in the first round" and the "ruling coalition" negatively affect transparency, the "ruling" variable, the age of politicians and the deficit positively influence transparency. On the basis of the obtained results, it can be concluded that the leader in the government has a positive influence on the transparency of the municipality, while the other variables have not been ...

U radu je prikazana politika Hrvatske demokratske zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini od 8. listopada 1991., kada je Sabor Republike Hrvatske reaktivirao svoju odluku o neovisnosti Hrvatske, pa sve do 6. travnja 1992., kada je međunarodna zajednica priznala Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Rad je napisan na temelju stranačkih dokumenata, svjedočenja i medijskih istupa stranačkih vođa. ; The paper describes the policy of the Croatian Democratic Union in Bosnia and Herzegovina from October the 8th 1991 when the Croatian Parliament reactivated their decision on the Croatian independence, until April the 6th 1992 when the international community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is written on the basis of the party documents, testimonies and media appearances by the party leaders. The Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina was the party which had won the absolute political support of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the first democratic elections, and then together with coalition partners–Party of Democratic Action and Serbian Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina they established a joint government on all levels. Consequently, without the reconstruction of their activities in the period which is the theme of this paper, it is not possible to understand the sequence of historical events that had led to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper therefore attempts to clarify the attitude of the party towards many important political issues of that time, such as the question of the aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and the Yugoslav National Army on Croatia, the collapse of communist Yugoslavia, the cooperation with coalition partners who had different opinions on the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the relation to the party headquarters in Zagreb, but also the reasons of the conflict between the two fractions within the party, which had developed over time due to the different views on the political future of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The lndependent Democratic Party (Samostalna demokratska stranka) was one of the many political parties of pre-war Yugoslavia. Although it was not a large party as far as number o members was concerned, its role, and especially that of its leader Svetozar Pribićević, in the political life of the Yugoslav stace was very important. ln this paper the author deals with the party's foundation, development and activities, shows the characteristics of its programme, and its social and nacional basis. He restricts his exposition to the period of the Vidovdan Constitution, accunting for this by the fact that ater the institution of the dictatorship the organizational work of the party (and of all other political parties) and its activities in further political development had a special quality. The Independent Democratic Party was formed after a group of 14 delegates, with Svetozar Pribićević at their head had withdrawn from the Democratic Party in March 1924. The leaders of the new party stressed from the beginning that the basis of their policy was unitarism and centralism. Since the ideal of unitarism was expressed most strongly in the Vidovdan Constitution, the Independant Democrats emphasized the importance of the full application of that Constitution. This was the foundacion of their coalition with the Radicals and of the formation of the government of the National Block. When the Radicals saw that their agrement with the Independent Democratic Party and the enforcement of the Obznana against the Croatian Republican Peasant Party (Hrvatska republikanska seljačka stranka) did nat affect Radić's position, they broke off the alliance with Svetozar Pribićević and came to an understanding with Stjepan Radić. The Independent Democratic Party then became part of the opposition. Svetozar Pribićević started forming a large, general Yugoslav party, whose nucleus was to be the Independent Democratic Party. Thes did nat succeed. A struggle for unitarism and centralism remained the basic substance and prime aim of his political activities. Being in the opposition, however, he became more and more aware of manifestations of great-Serbian predominence. Realizing that centralism was not creating Yugoslav unity, but, on the contrary, was strengthening great-Serbian hegernony and bringing the country to a serious crisis, Svetozar Pribićević approached Stjepan Radić. Thus a political alliance between the Independent Democratic Party and the Croacian Peasant Party was formed, named the Peasant-Democratic Coalition (Seljačko-demokratska koalicija). The transformation of the Independent Democratic Party's programme started after the formation of the Peasant-Democratic Coalition. At the beginning a consistent enforcement of the Vidovdan Constitution and a respect for the law were demanded, but soon a demand was made for a revision of the Constitution and even its abolishion. This was expressed in particular after the assassinations in the Nacional Assembly. Before the proclamation of the Dictatorship formulations concerning the reorganization of the state had not been concrete enough, and left possibilities for various different interpretations. But after the manifest of January 6, 1929, the Independent Democratic Party explicitly proclaimed itself for federalism. Svetozar Pribićević himself, after emigrating from the country, even worked for a republican state.

Autori su pripremili za objavljivanje Političke uspomene Stjepana Zagorca, u kojima se taj istaknuti političar te katolički i starokatolički svećenik najviše osvrnuo na djelovanje Frana Supila. U uvodnome su dijelu analizirali Zagorčevu biografiju i kontekst u kojemu je izgradio svoju političku karijeru. Povezali su njegov politički put s ulogom Frana Supila, koji je u znatnoj mjeri pridonio promjenama u razvoju hrvatske politike na početku 20. stoljeća. Političke uspomene sagledali su kao prilog očuvanju sjećanja na Supila u javnoj memoriji međuratne Jugoslavije. ; The authors prepared the study Political Memories by Stjepan Zagorac for print. In this biography, this prominent politician and catholic / old catholic priest mostly focuses on Frano Supilo's work. In the introduction of the article, the authors analyse the biography and the context in which Zagorac built his political career. They point out his evolution (Christian socialism, being a member of various Party of Right groups and standing by the January Sixth Regime). The authors make a connection between Zagorac's political path and the role Frano Supilo played in significantly contributing to the changes in Croatian politics at the beginning of the 20th century. The memories confirm the connection between Zagorac and Supilo on the arrangement around drawing up the Rijeka Resolution, creating a Croat-Serb coalition and specific methods of communicating with Hungarian politicians. Despite the differences appearing in their relationship after 1908, they shared their opinions on using party concentrations, as well as on changing the dualistic system in the Austro- -Hungarian Monarchy which slowed down Croatia's development. The authors also saw Political memories as an opportunity to preserve more accounts about Frano Supilo in the public memory of interwar Yugoslavia.

U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Istraživanja u slovenskim poduzećima pokazuju da se u sedamdesetim godinama oligarhijska struktura moći u poduzeću nije promijenila. To potvrđuju percepcije ispitanika o strukturi moći i vlastitoj nemoći. Malo značenje sindikata za socijalnu organizaciju poduzeća vidi se iz činjenice da je većina radnika koji se ne smatraju članovima sindikata. To, također, potvrđuju podaci istraživanja koji govore o nereprezentativnosti sindikata. Na drugoj strani, radnici priželjkuju njegovu zaštitiničku ulogu. Članak upozorava na ulogu dominantne koalicije moći pri nedemokratičnom izboru samoupravnih organa i analizira ideologiju samoupravljanja kao faktor neinstitucionalizirane socijalne stratifikacije. ; The research of Slovenian enterprises reveals that the oligarchical structure of power in the enterprise has not changed in the seventies. It is verified by the perceptions of respondents on the structure of power and their own powerlessness. The meager significance of trade-unions for the social organization of the enterprise is evident from the fact that the majority of workers do not consider themselves to be members of the trade-union. Furthermore, it is verified by the research results which demonstrate non-representativeness of trade-unions. On the other hand, workers desire the protective role of trade-union. The article cautions about the role of the dominant power- -coalition in non-democratic elections of self-management bodies and analyses the ideology of self-management as a factor of non-institutionalized social stratification.