Suchergebnisse

Il presente lavoro ha a oggetto l'insieme degli interventi di legge, delle azioni, delle idee implementati, in Italia, in tema di diritto di cittadinanza, adottando la prospettiva dei policy studies. In particolare, ci concentreremo sulla questione della scelta dei requisiti necessari per poter diventare cittadini italiani. Attualmente la legislazione in materia di cittadinanza è incentrata sul criterio dello ius sanguinis e nonostante vi siano state varie proposte di modifica, tra cui la più rilevante è il cosiddetto "Ddl Ius Soli", la materia non ha a oggi subito trasformazioni rilevanti dal 1992. L'analisi ha come scopo l'individuazione degli attori che, nel tempo, si sono mostrati favorevoli o contrari alla modifica degli attuali criteri, al fine di fornire un'interpretazione dei motivi per cui la materia non ha subito mutamenti. Il primo capitolo si occupa dell'approccio utilizzato per condurre lo studio, l'Advocacy Coalition Framework. Abbiamo preso in esame le caratteristiche degli studi orientati alle politiche pubbliche e la loro evoluzione fino ad arrivare all'ACF, di cui sono state analizzate le caratteristiche principali e le categorie concettuali più utili per rispondere ai nostri quesiti di partenza. In supporto all'ACF, è stata analizzata e utilizzata la teoria relativa al Framing e ai Frame narrativi. Il secondo capitolo si concentra sull'individuazione del nesso tra politica migratoria e politica di cittadinanza, in Italia. Della prima sono stati messi in luce i contenuti, prendendo in considerazione le varie fasi attraversate dal nostro paese che è passato alla fine degli anni Settanta da paese di emigrazione a paese di immigrazione. Successivamente si è passati al diritto di cittadinanza e alle varie fonti legislative che nel tempo lo hanno regolato, fino ad arrivare ai più recenti scenari. Il terzo capitolo si apre con l'analisi delle elezioni del 2013, che hanno inaugurato la XVII legislatura. Questa legislatura rappresenta il focus della nostra ricerca dal momento che, tra il 2013 e il 2018, si è discusso in Parlamento il "Ddl ius soli". Questo ha rappresentato un tentativo di riforma sostanziale del diritto di cittadinanza, prevedendo l'introduzione di ius soli temperato e ius culturae, da affiancare allo ius sanguinis, ancora prevalente. Il tentativo di riforma ha portato alla luce gli schieramenti di attori favorevoli e contrari a queste modifiche, che di fatto avrebbero allargato i beneficiari della cittadinanza italiana ai minori stranieri nati in Italia o frequentanti le scuole italiane. Il capitolo prosegue poi con l'individuazione delle coalizioni di attori in campo. In primo luogo è stato analizzato il dibattito pubblico, attraverso la consultazione dei principali quotidiani italiani. In secondo luogo, è stato analizzato il dibattito parlamentare avvenuto in commissione Affari Costituzionali della Camera e poi in Assemblea. Sono state individuate in questo modo due advocacy coalition tra loro contrapposte: una composta da partiti di sinistra e varie associazioni cattoliche e laiche della società civile, l'altra composta da partiti di centro-destra e di estrema destra. Il mancato policy change, conseguenza dell'arresto in Senato del "Ddl ius soli", può essere interpretato in relazione a eventi esterni al sottosistema di policy, che hanno influenzato notevolmente l'opinione pubblica e anche il posizionamento di alcuni partiti come il Nuovo Centrodestra. Alleato di governo e sostenitore della riforma alla Camera, il Nuovo Centrodestra ha successivamente rallentato sulle tempistiche di approvazione in Senato. A prevalere e a decidere l'esito del disegno di legge sono stati in definitiva i frame utilizzati dagli avversari della riforma, che etichettandolo come "ius soli" hanno deviato il dibattito dai suoi reali contenuti.

Nel febbraio 2011 gli irlandesi sono stati chiamati al voto con due anni di anticipo rispetto alla scadenza elettorale, per l'impossibilità del Governo in carica presieduto da Brian Cowen del Fianna Fáil di portare avanti un minority government coalition dopo che i Verdi, suoi alleati, hanno deciso di uscire dalla coalizione. Il lavoro evidenzia che la causa principale del fallimento del Governo in carica è essenzialmente da ricondurre alla grave crisi economica e finanziaria che ha colpito l'Eire a partire dal 2008 e non manca di analizzare l'organizzazione istituzionale e la composizione del Parlamento, il sistema elettorale nella sua formula di particolare complessità tecnica del voto singolo trasferibile. L'indagine prosegue nell'analisi della campagna elettorale e delle forze politiche in competizione nonché dei risultati elettorali che hanno prodotto un'affluenza alle urne molto elevata e soprattutto i due partiti usciti vincitori, Fine Gael e Labour Party, hanno deciso di formare un Governo di coalizione che potesse offrire al Paese una ricetta per migliorare la situazione economica e uscire dalla crisi. ; The paper analyzes the election result held in Ireland two years ahead of the end of legislature for the inability of Government headed by Brian Cowen (FF) to be Premier of a minority government coalition, after Green Party decided to quit the coalition. The work through a careful investigation of candidates, lists and coalitions have arisen, analyzes the results of the elections that were held in Ireland in February 2011 and that produced a very high turnout.

La caduta dei regimi tunisino, egiziano e libico al seguito di proteste di massa e centinaia di vittime e la conseguente crisi della gran parte dei regimi arabi sottolineano la necessità di nuove analisi teoriche ed empiriche inerenti le transizioni dai regimi autoritari a quelli democratici. Scopo di questo articolo è di interpretare le molte differenze tra i regimi autoritari nordafricani e mediorientali e determinare le concrete possibilità di cambiamento. Il punto di partenza è una revisione critica delle attuali classificazioni di regime. Muovendo dai tipi di regime di Linz e Stepan di 'Transizione e consolidamento democratico' (2000), verranno evidenziate le caratteristiche più importanti dei diversi regimi autoritari. Le conclusioni portano a evidenziare una notevole variazione che inciderà in maniera diversa rispetto alle prospettive di transizione democratica. The breakdown of the Tunisian, Egyptian and Libyan authoritarian regimes, brought about by mass protests and causing hundreds of civilian victims, and the consequent regime crisis in most of the Arab countries underline the need for new theoretical and empirical investigation on process of transition from authoritarianism to democracy. The aim of this paper is to interpret the main differences among some of the North-African and Middle-East authoritarian regimes and explore the real prospects for change. The starting point of the analysis is a critical review of the current classifications of the authoritarianism regimes. Moving from Linz and Stepan (2000) seminal work, significant features among the authoritarian regimes will be highlighted, and it will be argued that these features are likely to affect differently the eventual transition to democracy.

The ruling coalition in Hungary values tradition, retrieving it in areas that affect both the private sphere of citizens and the public sphere of institutions through political narratives that are implemented by law. Although the "recovered" and interpreted tradition shapes a collective imagination and a normative framework that, according to current language, could be described as extremely conservative, political narratives and normative interventions contribute to social change in an illiberal sense. They intercept widespread malaise and increase discrimination against minorities already at risk. Moving from a unique model of social regulation based on the family, the ruling coalition establishes a link between the latter and the nation, introduces bans on the registration of gender change and the promotion of LGBT contents. Within migration policy, it also constructs the target of migrants and uses Christianity as an ethno-identity component, meanwhile adopting measures that prevent the implementation of Christian values. Moreover, Hungarian narratives, while rejecting the fundamental rights-centered narrative of the liberal tradition, are able to politically "exploit" the expectations it creates among citizens. Following a populist logic, the ruling coalition openly rejects the liberal fundamental rights narrative, but at the same time fully utilizes it.

In 2020, the tenth democratic and free elections after the fall of the communist regime in Slovakia resulted in a broad coalition government, which obtained its mandate mainly to fight corruption. However, the global pandemic of COVID-19 has fundamentally changed priorities. Indeed, growing dissatisfaction with the governance of the state in early 2021 has led to the organization of a referendum on early parliamentary elections. The article draws attention to the constitutional problems associated with holding such a referendum in the conditions of the Slovak Republic, not only in general, but also, and especially, in times of crisis. ; In 2020, the tenth democratic and free elections after the fall of the communist regime in Slovakia resulted in a broad coalition government, which obtained its mandate mainly to fight corruption. However, the global pandemic of COVID-19 has fundamentally changed priorities. Indeed, growing dissatisfaction with the governance of the state in early 2021 has led to the organization of a referendum on early parliamentary elections. The article draws attention to the constitutional problems associated with holding such a referendum in the conditions of the Slovak Republic, not only in general, but also, and especially, in times of crisis.

The essay analyzes the current electoral system, following law no. 165/2017 of the Italian Parliament. The electoral formula is based on a mixed system (proportional and majoritarian) e provides for candidacy of party coalitions. The work offers some reflections about the criteria in place for the election of the candidates within the lists and concludes by suggesting some possible implications for the future government stability.

From its colonial history, the twin-island state of Trinidad and Tobago inherited a uniquely diverse population of 1.3 million, including descendants of East Indians, Africans, Chinese, Syrians and Lebanese, French, Spanish, Portuguese and British, among others. The legacy of the British divide et impera, paired with the perceived ethnic diversity, has been marking and re-producing a deep "Us vs. Them" division, especially between the two major ethnic groups of East Indians (35.4%) and Africans (34.2%). For over forty years, the two ethnic groups have been struggling for political control through census counts and voting along ethnic lines. Although elections in the country have always served as "the critical arbiter in adjudicating the rival claims by the main ethno-cultural communities for power and privilege" (Premdas 2004: 19), the 2010 General Election seemed to have marked a turning point in the history of the nation. On May 24th, Trinidad and Tobago elected Kamla Persad-Bissessar, its first female Prime Minister and only the second person of East Indian origin to hold the PM office in 48 years of independence. Breaking out of the country's rigid bipolar political mould, Persad-Bissessar won as the leader of the People's Partnership, a new coalition party that comprised both East Indian and African political forces and movements. She defeated Patrick Manning's People's National Movement and succeeded in winning 29 seats out of the 41 in the House of Representatives. Taking this unprecedented political success as its starting point, this dissertation explores the discursive and political strategies behind Persad-Bissessar's election, analyzing a large corpus of textual and visual data from the People's Partnership campaign. The starting assumption is that Persad-Bissessar broadened her electorate not only by presenting a carefully engineered coalition party but also by discursively positing a new, inclusive identity space throughout the campaign and advocating a politics of inter-ethnic harmony in the country. Therefore, I set to analyze how Persad-Bissessar engaged in a multi-levelled discursive construction of identities, defining her role as the first woman PM candidate in the history of the country, legitimizing her coalition solution to political tribalisms, as well as fostering a wider national sense of belonging. As political communication has increasingly grown beyond the realm of verbal language, understanding Persad-Bissessar's political meaning-making required both the analysis of her election speeches as well as the study of a number of multimodal texts, such as video and printed ads as well as official portraits, which played a crucial role in the political advertising of her coalition. Within a Critical Discourse Analysis framework, I will combine the 'Discourse-Historical Approach' (Wodak and Meyer 2009) for the analysis of Persad-Bissessar's textual data and Kress and van Leeuwen's (1996) 'Visual Grammar' for the analysis of the visual data. Although the English-speaking Caribbean is home to the largest set of continuing democracies among postcolonial countries around the globe, political discourse from the archipelago is yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. The analysis of political discourse in Trinidad and Tobago has the potential to shed light on the complexities, struggles and contradictions of the postcolonial Trinidad and Tobago by integrating knowledge about historical sources and the social and political environment within which discourse as social practice is embedded. Starting from the analysis of political discourse, this work aims at offering a new, discursive perspective on ethnicity, identity and power in Trinidad and Tobago as well as increasing scholarly awareness for the development of a critical interpretative stance for political texts and talks beyond the Euro-American zone.

After almost 20 years from the first Berlin Declaration, the end of 2018 saw a new impulse in open access to publications (and not only) with the launch of Plan S by the Coalition S and with the announcement of the launch of "European Open Science Cloud". The two events are part of a new scenario that sees, in particular, publishers strongly urged by academic and government institutions to take the definitive step towards a true Open Science. After the transition from paper to electronic, everyone is called to a new challenge: to find one (or more) economically sustainable models that are no longer based on the subscription model but on that of publications. In this highly unstable phase, we speak generically of "transformative agreements". Some characteristics and problems are here analyzed. ; Dopo quasi 20 anni dalla prima Dichiarazione di Berlino la fine del 2018 ha visto un nuovo impulso dell'accesso aperto alle pubblicazioni (e non solo) con il lancio di Plan S da parte della Coalition S e con l'annuncio dell'avvio dell'European Open Science Cloud.I due eventi si sono inseriti all'interno di un nuovo scenario che vede, in particolare, gli editori fortemente sollecitati da parte delle istituzioni accademiche e governitive a compiere il definitivo passo verso una scienza realmente aperta.Dopo il passaggio dal cartaceo all'elettronico, tutti sono chiamati ad una nuova sfida: trovare uno (o più) modelli economicamente sostenibili che si basino non più sul modello delle sottoscrizioni ma su quello delle pubblicazioni. In questa fase, altamente instabile, si parla genericamente di "modelli trasformativi". Ne vengono in questa sede analizzate alcune caratteristiche e problematiche.

Casamance, Southern region of Senegal, has been suffering a conflict of "low intensity" since 1982, when the separatist Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) started an armed struggle for independence. After a period of fragile calmness, following the peace agreements in 2004, the region has been caught in an alternate state between war and peace, hostage of a new escalation of violence. Separatism in Casamance is not just a spot of bother of the Government but also an important geopolitical card played in other and more important issues: from the exploitation of offshore oil and fish resources along the border with Guinea-Bissau to its role of "democratic power" passing through the internal political struggles. After the landslide defeat of President Wadès coalition "Soopi" at the last regional election in 2009, the Casamance dossier could play again a major role in the struggle for power in the upcoming presidential election in 2013. ; Casamance, Southern region of Senegal, has been suffering a conflict of "low intensity" since 1982, when the separatist Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) started an armed struggle for independence. After a period of fragile calmness, following the peace agreements in 2004, the region has been caught in an alternate state between war and peace, hostage of a new escalation of violence. Separatism in Casamance is not just a spot of bother of the Government but also an important geopolitical card played in other and more important issues: from the exploitation of offshore oil and fish resources along the border with Guinea-Bissau to its role of "democratic power" passing through the internal political struggles. After the landslide defeat of President Wadès coalition "Soopi" at the last regional election in 2009, the Casamance dossier could play again a major role in the struggle for power in the upcoming presidential election in 2013.

[Italiano]: Aldo Moro segretario della Democrazia cristiana, presidente del Consiglio in una alleanza di centro-sinistra, stratega dell'accordo di governo con il Partito comunista e infine vittima del terrorismo politico. Esaminando due diverse fasi della vita politica italiana – la stagione del centro-sinistra e la tragica vicenda della lotta armata – questo volume ripercorre, da molteplici prospettive, il tormentato percorso del leader politico che meglio riassume la storia d'Italia del secondo dopoguerra ./[English]: Aldo Moro, General Secretary of the Christian Democracy, Prime minister in an alliance of center-left, strategist of the government agreement with the Communist Party and finally victim of the political terrorism. Looking at two different stages of Italian political life - the season of center-left coalition and the tragic story of the armed struggle - this volume traces, from multiple perspectives, the tormented path of the leader politician that best sums up the Italian history of the second post-war period.

This thesis analyzes the modern Turkish state and Turkish civil society through a perspective influenced by the approaches of Marx and Gramsci. First of all, the work focuses on Turkish debate around the concept of civil society which has been dominated by liberal views. However, recently, critical investigations following Marx and Gramsci's outlook, have started challenging the dominant perspective of the debate. Starting from this view, the research analyzes the relations between state and civil society adherents to Kemalist ideology during the 40s through the reading of a Turkish periodical, Kadın Gazetesi. According to the above mentioned approach, Turkey can be studied as a political entity built to create a citizenry able to accept the authority as natural. The alliance between native bourgeoisie and bureaucratic class led the country towards a definition of the Republic. However, during wartime, capital accumulation became an important element in breaking the historical coalition. As bureaucracy was not able to save the old alliance, the bourgeoisie, aware of its increasingly role, no longer wished to compromise.

Il quadro tematico della tesi è la storia politica e culturale delle relazioni tra il cattolicesimo democratico di origine «popolare» e la tradizione del liberalismo italiano, in un arco cronologico compreso tra l'antifascismo dell'Aventino e la fondazione della Democrazia Cristiana. L'ipotesi della ricerca è che proprio in questo «lungo viaggio» la classe dirigente del cattolicesimo politico (a cominciare dalla leadership di Alcide De Gasperi) abbia completato quel processo di acculturazione in senso «liberale» che le avrebbe consentito di guidare consensualmente l'uscita dal fascismo nel secondo dopoguerra. ; The framework of the thesis deals with the political and cultural history of the relationship between the democratic Chatolicism stemming from the Italian Popular Party and the tradition of the Italian Liberalism, from the antifascist coalition of the «Aventino» to the establishment of Christian Democracy. The assumption of the research is that in its «long way» the political membership of the political Catholicism (starting with De Gasperi leadership) had go through with a process of «liberal» acculturation, that would allow it to lead the exit-strategy from Fascism in the Second post-World War.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.

Neste breve artigo de estudo pretender-se-á demonstrar de que forma a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939) levou a uma escalada da violência em Portugal por parte do regime, sobre um dos seus principais alvos, o PCP (Partido Comunista Português). Num período em que o fascismo já tinha trilhado o seu caminho de ascensão ao poder com um primeiro período de Ditadura Militar (1926-1933) e depois legitimado com a Constituição de 1933 no que viria a dar no Estado Novo (1933-1974). O PCP vinha de um período de adaptação à clandestinidade, após a forte repressão sofrida no contexto do 'Reviralho' que penosamente se associou e se desfalcou. O período em que nos debruçamos leva-nos para uma época em que a URSS via Internacional Comunista aponta a expansão do comunismo na Europa Ocidental pela via legalista, ou seja, a conquista do poder pelo voto através de amplas coligações de esquerda.In this brief article we will to show how the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) led to an escalation of violence in Portugal by the regime on one of its main targets, the PCP (Portuguese Communist Party). At a time when fascism had already trod their way rise to power with a first period of military dictatorship (1926-1933) and then legitimized by the 1933 Constitution as would give the New State (1933-1974). The PCP was a period of adaptation underground, following the sharp repression suffered in the context of 'Reviralho' that pain fully joined and embezzled. The period in which we look back takes us to a time when the USSR via the Communist International points the spread of communism in Western Europe via legalistic, that is the conquest of power by voting through broad left coalition.