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The "Revolution of Dignity" has led to the pre-term presidential and parliamentary elections. The article analyzes parliamentary election process and coalition policy of parliamentarian groups. As a result of the campaign, a bipolar model of competition has been shaped (Maidan – Anti-Maidan), while each of them has radical and moderate divisions. Analysis of election programs has shown that in most cases there are national security issues in the first place, including resistance to Russian aggression and conflict resolution. The most important demands included the issue of decentralization, fight against corruption, tax and justice reforms. As a result of the elections, a broad coalition "European Ukraine" has been set with the participation of five political parties related to Maidan. ; Rewolucja Godności doprowadziła do przedterminowych wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych. W niniejszym artykule analizie poddano proces elekcji parlamentarnej oraz polityki koalicyjnej ugrupowań parlamentarnych. W wyniku kampanii ukształtował się dwubiegunowy model rywalizacji (Majdan – anty-Majdan), natomiast w obydwu nurtach zarysował się wyraźny podział na ugrupowania radykalne i umiarkowane. Analiza programów wyborczych wykazała, że w większości wypadków na pierwszym miejscu znalazły się kwestie bezpieczeństwa państwa, w tym przeciwstawienie się rosyjskiej agresji i rozwiązanie konfliktu. Do najważniejszych postulatów należały także kwestie decentralizacji, walki z korupcją, reformy systemu podatkowego i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W wyniku wyborów powstała szeroka koalicja "Europejska Ukraina" z udziałem pięciu partii politycznych związanych z Majdanem.

The article describes the analysis of the modern British party system in the age of changes and transformations. In particular, it analyzes the changes in the electorate as well as the legal-institutional conditions which, in consequence, led to a shift in the balance of power between the political parties on the parliamentary level that occurred after the 2010 general election. Forming a coalition in the Parliament and the Cabinet marked the beginning of an ideologically and politically difficult rule of two parties which both politicians and voters alike had to learn. I argue that the above circumstances led to a certain "crisis" not only in the way administration is handled but also in the society's political participation. Simultaneously, it relates to what I view as a change in the British party system. The present article largely focuses on the transformations within the British party system that occurred in the early 21st century, on the genesis of the processes which affects the transformations in the above system, as well as on the causes and effects of these phenomena.

The article describes the analysis of the modern British party system in the age of changes and transformations. In particular, it analyzes the changes in the electorate as well as the legal-institutional conditions which, in consequence, led to a shift in the balance of power between the political parties on the parliamentary level that occurred after the 2010 general election. Forming a coalition in the Parliament and the Cabinet marked the beginning of an ideologically and politically difficult rule of two parties which both politicians and voters alike had to learn. I argue that the above circumstances led to a certain "crisis" not only in the way administration is handled but also in the society's political participation. Simultaneously, it relates to what I view as a change in the British party system. The present article largely focuses on the transformations within the British party system that occurred in the early 21st century, on the genesis of the processes which affects the transformations in the above system, as well as on the causes and effects of these phenomena.

Celem artykułu jest analiza, czy zawieranie koalicji z Niemcami wpływa na sukces Polski w procesie legislacyjnym UE. Przetestowano dwie hipotezy: 1) jeśli preferencje Polski oraz Niemiec są zgodne, to sukces Polski jest większy; 2) koalicja z Niemcami zapewnia Polsce większy sukces w obszarach o szczególnym znaczeniu dla Warszawy, to jest: w rolnictwie, energii, środowisku, sprawach wewnętrznych oraz wspólnym rynku. Hipotezy przetestowano za pomocą metody ilościowej – regresji liniowej na bazie DEU II. Uzyskano następujące wnioski. Po pierwsze, budowanie koalicji polsko-niemieckiej w UE jest niezmiernie skomplikowane ze względu na wyraźną sprzeczność preferencji obu państw. Po drugie, mimo to budowanie koalicji z Niemcami jest dla Polski niezmiernie opłacalne. Analiza wykazała, że gdy Polska zawiera sojusz z Niemcami, to jej sukces w procesie legislacyjnym UE widocznie wzrasta. Po trzecie, zawiązywanie koalicji z Niemcami jest szczególnie opłacalne w politykach UE, które są kluczowe z punktu widzenia interesów Polski, czyli w rolnictwie, energii, sprawach wewnętrznych oraz wspólnym rynku. Jedynym wyjątkiem jest obszar ochrony środowiska. ; The purpose of the article is to analyze whether building a coalition with Germany affects Poland's success in the EU's legislative process. Two hypotheses are tested: (1) when Polish and German preferences are homogenous, Poland's legislative success is greater; (2) the coalition with Germany ensures Poland's greater success in the areas of particular significance to Warsaw, that is in agriculture, energy, environment, home affairs and the single market. The above hypotheses are tested using a quantitative method of a linear regression. Regression calculations are based on the DEU II dataset. The results are as follows. First, forming a Polish-German coalition in the EU's lawmaking is extremely tricky due to strong divergences of both countries' preferences. Second, building a coalition with Germany is particularly beneficial for Poland, nevertheless. The analysis shows that when Poland enters an alliance with Germany, its success in the EU's legislative process significantly increases. Third, building a coalition with Germany is very profitable for Poland in these policy areas which are crucial from the perspective of Poland's interests, namely in agriculture, energy, home affairs and the single market. The only exception is the environment.

The purpose of the article is to analyze whether building a coalition with Germany affects Poland's success in the EU's legislative process. Two hypotheses are tested: (1) when Polish and German preferences are homogenous, Poland's legislative success is greater; (2) the coalition with Germany ensures Poland's greater success in the areas of particular significance to Warsaw, that is in agriculture, energy, environment, home affairs and the single market. The above hypotheses are tested using a quantitative method of a linear regression. Regression calculations are based on the DEU II dataset. The results are as follows. First, forming a Polish-German coalition in the EU's lawmaking is extremely tricky due to strong divergences of both countries' preferences. Second, building a coalition with Germany is particularly beneficial for Poland, nevertheless. The analysis shows that when Poland enters an alliance with Germany, its success in the EU's legislative process significantly increases. Third, building a coalition with Germany is very profitable for Poland in these policy areas which are crucial from the perspective of Poland's interests, namely in agriculture, energy, home affairs and the single market. The only exception is the environment. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza, czy zawieranie koalicji z Niemcami wpływa na sukces Polski w procesie legislacyjnym UE. Przetestowano dwie hipotezy: 1) jeśli preferencje Polski oraz Niemiec są zgodne, to sukces Polski jest większy; 2) koalicja z Niemcami zapewnia Polsce większy sukces w obszarach o szczególnym znaczeniu dla Warszawy, to jest: w rolnictwie, energii, środowisku, sprawach wewnętrznych oraz wspólnym rynku. Hipotezy przetestowano za pomocą metody ilościowej – regresji liniowej na bazie DEU II. Uzyskano następujące wnioski. Po pierwsze, budowanie koalicji polsko-niemieckiej w UE jest niezmiernie skomplikowane ze względu na wyraźną sprzeczność preferencji obu państw. Po drugie, mimo to budowanie koalicji z Niemcami jest dla Polski niezmiernie opłacalne. Analiza wykazała, że gdy Polska zawiera sojusz z Niemcami, to jej sukces w procesie legislacyjnym UE widocznie wzrasta. Po trzecie, zawiązywanie koalicji z Niemcami jest szczególnie opłacalne w politykach UE, które są kluczowe z punktu widzenia interesów Polski, czyli w rolnictwie, energii, sprawach wewnętrznych oraz wspólnym rynku. Jedynym wyjątkiem jest obszar ochrony środowiska.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Niniejsze opracowanie składa się z dwóch części. Pierwsza opisuje strategię rządu koalicji Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS), Ligii Polskich Rodzin (LPR) i Samoobrony w latach 2005– 2007 wobec sektora energetycznego. Program wyborczy PiS jako główny cel względem sektora energetycznego wskazał kwestię dywersyfikacji kierunków dostaw surowców energetycznych do Polski, m.in.: dostawy gazu z Norwegii, projekt terminalu gazu skroplonego LNG oraz projekt gazociągu Sarmackiego. Zrezygnowano natomiast z pomysłu gazociągu Aleksandra Gudzowatego Bernau–Szczecin. Druga część tekstu analizuje perspektywy rynku energetycznego w Polsce po wyborach w październiku 2015 r., które wygrała partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Uzyskana większość głosów pozwala jej samodzielne sprawować rządy w państwie. Celem publikacji jest wskazanie głównych założeń jej strategii bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Polski. ; This study consists of two parts. The first describes the strategy of the coalition of Law and Justice (PiS), the League of Polish Families (LPR) and Self-Defense in 2005–2007 towards the energy sector. Law and Justice's election program chose as its priority the issue of diversification of energy supplies to Poland, for example the gas supply from Norway, the LNG terminal project and the Sarmatian pipeline project. However, it abandoned Aleksander Gudzowaty's project for the construction of the Bernau-Szczecin gaspipeline. The second part analyzes the prospects of the energy market in Poland after the elections in October 2015, won by PiS (Law and Justice). As the party holds the majority in the Polish Parliament, it does not need to form any coalition to rule independently. The resulting majority allows it to self-govern the country. The purpose of the paper is to identify the main objectives of the Polish energy security strategy.

Coalitions became the main element of democratic political mechanisms in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. As a result of fragmentation of opposition parties and evolution of organization and platforms of parties from the former regime, the political scene saw the rise of many new parties, which were forced to create alliances. The political transformation of 1989 definitively changed the style of politics. There rose a new political class, and the system of representative democracy, based on the rules of law and separation of powers, has been consolidated. Party coalitions are a dominant model of political alliances in Poland. Party configurations are chosen so that a coalition ensures the execution of goals in an optimal manner. Their goal is to create the strongest political group possible in order to gain or hold power. The article is an insightful analysis of electoral coalition functioning process in Poland between 1991 and 2011. Its goal was to characterize election platforms of electoral coalitions, as well as the political rivalry model, which determined the electoral behavior of the citizens. The work is an attempt to answer a research question: What influenced successes and failures of political parties during parliamentary elections?

The primary research question of the article is: What determined the results of the Polish left-wing parties in the Polish parliamentary election of 2015? Moreover, the article asks also: Did the electoral platform affect the results of the United Left Coalition and Razem? The aim of the author is to discuss the characteristics of the left-wing political parties and coalitions during the parliamentary election of 2015. To that end, the author analyzes the electoral platforms of the particular organizations. The article is interdisciplinary in nature, since it analyzes the issue from three distinct perspectives: political, sociological, and philosophical. In turn, the attempted answer to the research questions can give significant insight into the further research into the legitimization process of left-wing parties in Poland.

Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka's government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People's Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS's collapse. After Poland's accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies. ; Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka's government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People's Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS's collapse. After Poland's accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies.

Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka's government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People's Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS's collapse. After Poland's accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies.

Liberal Democrats as a co-governing party: between idealism and pragmatism Five years of joint governing by Conservative Party with the Liberal Democrats tends to make the balance, especially such an unusual phenomenon in British politics. This article includes an assessment of motivation and objectives of liberals in the coalition government based on the dyad of idealism - pragmatism. Answering the question whether the decision of the Liberal Democrats to participate in a coalition government with the Conservatives was idealistic or pragmatic, the author argues that the motivation came from two sources. Idealism was provided by defense of electoral reform and several other elements of liberals' program (in the field of economic and European policy), pragmatism was showed by an electoral referendum and the number of ministries headed by the Liberal Democrats. If the measure of effectiveness in politics is to make itself the presence of liberals in the cabinet, five years of joint governance is proof of this. But if this measure would be the volume of support provided to the party, it's such a great outflow of voters which testifies to the failure. The article verifies hypothesis that the participation of the Liberal Democrats in government was a "tragic" decision from the beginning, taking into account the five-year period of rule by the coalition on the eve of the next election. ; Pięć lat wspólnych rządów Partii Konserwatywnej z Liberalnymi Demokratami skłania do dokonania bilansu, zwłaszcza tak nietypowego zjawiska w brytyjskiej polityce. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera ocenę motywacji i celów liberałów w koalicji rządowej w oparciu o diadę idealizm - pragmatyzm. Odpowiadając na pytanie, czy decyzja Liberalnych Demokratów o udziale w koalicji rządowej z Konserwatystami była idealistyczna czy pragmatyczna, autorka twierdzi, że motywacja pochodziła z obu źródeł. O idealizmie świadczy obrona reformy wyborczej i kilku innych elementów programu liberałów (w zakresie polityki gospodarczej czy europejskiej), o pragmatyzmie zaś przeprowadzenie referendum wyborczego czy liczba ministerstw kierowanych przez Liberalnych Demokratów. Jeśli miarą skuteczności w polityce uczynić samą obecność liberałów w gabinecie, to pięć lat wspólnych rządów jest tego dowodem. Jeśli zaś tę miarę stanowić miałaby wielkość udzielanego partii poparcia, to tak wielki odpływ wyborców świadczy o porażce. Artykuł weryfikuje hipotezę, że udział Liberalnych Demokratów w rządzie z Partią Konserwatywną był decyzją od początku "tragiczną", uwzględniając pięcioletni okres rządów koalicji w przededniu kolejnych wyborów.

Law and Justice party was a "Euro-Atlantic" political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008-2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: 1) win the parliamentary elections; 2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian-American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.

Law and Justice party was a "Euro-Atlantic" political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008–2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: (1) win the parliamentary elections; (2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian – American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.