Cold War
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 107-108
ISSN: 1332-4756
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In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 107-108
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 143-145
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 50, Heft 2, S. 181-184
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 4, Heft 3-4, S. 9-20
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 186-203
The article traces the development of the concept of UN peacekeeping missions from the late 1940s, when they were first applied, to the so-called second generation of peacekeeping missions, which is primarily linked with the 1990s. Designating the changes in carrying out peacekeeping missions as normative, quantitative and qualitative, the author also discusses shifts in the understanding of traditional principles of consent of the parties, impartiality of observers and non-use of force in most cases, which were observed by most peacekeeping missions in the Cold War period. The other focus of this article is the case study of the UNTAES peacekeeping mission carried out from January 15, 1996 to January 15, 1998 in Eastern Slavonia, Sirmium and Baranja, which is considered one of the very rare examples of successful application of the second generation of UN peacekeeping missions, but also of peacekeeping missions in general. Adapted from the source document.
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 8, Heft 1-2, S. 221-238
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Politicka misao, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 9-17
This article examines the scope of Agamben's thesis that the camp is the "nomos" of the world we live in. The author asserts that Agamben's argument in favor of consequentiality includes a call to radical revolutionary change of the world, but that Agamben is unable to utter the call since he has no clear notion of politics freed from law. Kurelic's expose is divided into three segments. In the first one, he focuses on Agamben's disappointment with the corrupt "Free West," especially with the problems that the winners in the Cold War are faced with. In Giorgio Agamben's view, an example of a failed state is his native Italy. In the second segment, the author deals with the "global camp" conception & sets forth the narration in which the contemporary liberal democracy has become one of the incarnations of Leviathan
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 54-67
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 39-53
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 68-89
The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 90-102
The author analyzes the Clinton administration's approach to Europe & the European NATO allies, particularly his wish to develop the partnership & expand the alliance. The new post-Cold-War relations in Europe contributed to stronger American-European ties -- the foundation of atlantism. This new model of relations is discussed in relation to the emerging challenges that pose the key questions: the creation of a new joint strategy, the problems of NATO's "out of area" interventions, & the creation of European relations that will not provoke uncalled-for Russian reactions. Seen within such a framework, NATO is going to remain the chief proponent of military-political actions of the developed world in which the US is to play the leading role. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 56-68
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 85-88
The end of the Cold War brought about the emergence of a new geopolitics, one not greatly burdened with former international geopolitical views. One significant shift has been the recognition that geopolitical events cannot be limited to national states & their borders. Of course, states are still central for the world's geopolitical map, but no longer as the sole factors in the global geopolitical system. On the one hand, under the influence of globalization, new conditions have arisen, influenced by geopolitical factors; on the other, new entities are emerging whose influence is very similar to that of the central factors -- contemporary states. These similarities are primarily reflected in the claims of sovereign control over a certain territory, the organization of government on it, the shaping of a particular national identity by the majority population, etc. It is these new territorial & political units that contribute to the deconstruction of the geopolitical order; the disintegration of the Soviet Union is the best illustration. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 34-55
Addresses some institutional & structural elements of the emerging European post-Cold War security environment. In the early 1990s, at the level of institutionalization of European security, a plethora of institutions came into being whose purpose has been to gradually incorporate the former communist states into an integral security structure. Also, international security was formalized in international organizations covering Europe. Thus, one of the key challenges to the European security system has been the need for melding its central components into a consistent system. The author also describes some current processes & developments within the European security setting that will shape the European security structure in the future as well. This setting has been, & will undoubtedly continue to be, affected by various international (regional & global) & national factors in the European economic, political, & security space as well as by the joint efforts of European states (their leaders) & international security organizations to provide common security in Europe. The author concludes that the European international system today includes many organizations & institutions that, with an appropriate division of labor & cooperation, may help set up a common & integral European security system that would efficiently ensure the security of individual states as well as of Europe as a whole. 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 99-116
ISSN: 1332-4756
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