Suchergebnisse

The author proposes the overview of the ideas of Ukrainian nationalism after WWII on example of one of the nationalistic organizations, revolutionary or Bandera's OUN. It is done through the analysis of three program documents published during the period from 1948 till 1968 with every time 10-years distance (two of them of S. Bandera's authorship), which shows the ways of thinking of its leaders and points of institutional development of this organization. Ukrainian integral nationalism was formed as an ideology and found its institutionalization in the interwar period and in the context of time marked with spreading of authoritarianism and the idea of a strong national leader. During WWII the OUN and the UPA became the main power of the Ukrainian national resistance to the occupational regimes. But in the new political realities after WWII and in the situation of emigration the Ukrainian exile parties incl. nationalists were faced with the new ideological as well as organizational challenges and had to search for the new methods and attitudes to the struggle for Ukraine's liberation. The key point for the formation of new ideas and political program became the resolutions and declarations of the Fourth Grate Meeting of the Bandera's OUN in 1968, the first so important party's assamble in the after war time. The views and ideas of J. Stetsko played a significant role on it, he appeared to be not only a participant of an international anticommunist movement, but also a political thinker who managed to integrate the nationalistic ideology with the new political realities and with the context of international policy of that time. In the questions of anticolonial discourse and anticommunist critic his theses corresponded to the most important ideas of the Cold War period and allowed to actualize the nationalistic ideas on their new stage of development.

The article traces the development of the concept of UN peacekeeping missions from the late 1940s, when they were first applied, to the so-called second generation of peacekeeping missions, which is primarily linked with the 1990s. Designating the changes in carrying out peacekeeping missions as normative, quantitative and qualitative, the author also discusses shifts in the understanding of traditional principles of consent of the parties, impartiality of observers and non-use of force in most cases, which were observed by most peacekeeping missions in the Cold War period. The other focus of this article is the case study of the UNTAES peacekeeping mission carried out from January 15, 1996 to January 15, 1998 in Eastern Slavonia, Sirmium and Baranja, which is considered one of the very rare examples of successful application of the second generation of UN peacekeeping missions, but also of peacekeeping missions in general. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes the changed concept of security in the post-Cold War era, its importance for the international community as a whole, & its basic values. Special attention is given to the indivisibility & mutual conditions of the security problem, democracy, & markets. The research approach is multidisciplinary & aimed at an analysis of the war against Croatia within the context of the post-Cold War era & its associated obstacles to reaching peace & stability. The roots, causes, & inducements to conflict are determined & the assumptions for peace & stability in the region are researched. Starting with the case of Croatia & the consequences of international crisis caused by aggressive Serbian policy of expansion, the author offers a suggestion for a new security concept -- the concept of metasecurity -- for the era after the Cold War. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that all major efforts concerning European security have always been linked with the end of a war. Thus the end of the Cold War has been marked with the expansion of NATO & an attempt to create a new security. By analyzing the political scope of the expansion, the military & strategic framework, the Russian reactions, & the economic significance, the author comes to the conclusion that the expansion is not conducive to the establishment of an integral system of European security. The purpose of this development by Clinton's team was primarily to outline the new European borders (the key aspect of Clinton's foreign policy) &, in the future, to create the conditions for further expansion & admittance of new members. Only in the remote future, through constant expansion & links with other European organizations, could NATO become the central system of European security. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the scope of Agamben's thesis that the camp is the "nomos" of the world we live in. The author asserts that Agamben's argument in favor of consequentiality includes a call to radical revolutionary change of the world, but that Agamben is unable to utter the call since he has no clear notion of politics freed from law. Kurelic's expose is divided into three segments. In the first one, he focuses on Agamben's disappointment with the corrupt "Free West," especially with the problems that the winners in the Cold War are faced with. In Giorgio Agamben's view, an example of a failed state is his native Italy. In the second segment, the author deals with the "global camp" conception & sets forth the narration in which the contemporary liberal democracy has become one of the incarnations of Leviathan

The author analyzes the Clinton administration's approach to Europe & the European NATO allies, particularly his wish to develop the partnership & expand the alliance. The new post-Cold-War relations in Europe contributed to stronger American-European ties -- the foundation of atlantism. This new model of relations is discussed in relation to the emerging challenges that pose the key questions: the creation of a new joint strategy, the problems of NATO's "out of area" interventions, & the creation of European relations that will not provoke uncalled-for Russian reactions. Seen within such a framework, NATO is going to remain the chief proponent of military-political actions of the developed world in which the US is to play the leading role. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.