Suchergebnisse

Završio je Drugi svjetski rat, a svijetu je bio potreban mir. Većina lidera složila se da zajedno porade na tome. Radi toga je osnovana Organizacija Ujedinjenih naroda, kako bi zajednički radili na provedbi mira. Međutim, odmah nakon rata SAD i SSSR se sukobljavaju oko raznih važnih pitanja. Započinje razdoblje hladnog rata – vrijeme naoružavanja, natjecanja i stalne nesigurnosti. Siromašne afričke i azijske zemlje pokreću proces dekolonizacije tražeći suverenitet za svoje zemlje. Predvodnik tog pokreta je Indija, a nakon nje susjedne azijske države. Proces se nakon toga širi u Afriku. Azijske i afričke zemlje se počinju sastajati te s vremenom pokreću Pokret nesvrstanih. Veliku ulogu u tome imaju Naser, Nehru i Tito. Pokretom afričke i azijske zemlje dobivaju na važnosti na diplomatskoj sceni. Sukladno uz to, velike sile se bore za strateške točke te dolazi do mnogih sukoba. Najteži se događaju u Aziji i Africi. Veliki sukob dogodio se između Židova i Arapa na Bliskom istoku. U isto vrijeme događaju se i veliki sukobi na Korejskom i Indokineskom poluotoku. U sva tri sukoba bili su uključene velike sile, a neke od njih su sukobe čak i inicirale. ; The World War II ended and the world needed peace. Most of the leaders agreed to work together for this aim. That is why the United Nations was established. However, immediately after the war, the United States and the USSR are confronted about various important issues. The Cold War begins - the time of armament, competition and constant insecurity. The poor African and Asian countries are launching a process of decolonization, seeking sovereignty for their countries. The leader of this movement was India, and its neighboring Asian state. Then, the process spreads to Africa. Asian and African countries are beginning to meet and in time launch Non-Aligned Movement. Naser, Nehru and Tito had a major role in this. With NonAligned Movement, African and Asian countries gain importance on the diplomatic scene. Accordingly, great powers struggle for strategic points and many ...

Krajem Hladnog rata i kolapsom blokovskog sustava dolazi do procvata mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda koji teže utemeljiti svoju transformiranu ulogu u novom globalnom okruženju. Jedne od prvih demonstracija nove, aktivnije uloge UN-a bile su dvije, svojom složenošću vrlo slične, mirovne misije: UNTAC u Kambodži i UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Unatoč brojnim zajedničkim karakteristikama, te su misije ishodile vrlo različitim rezultatima. Dok UNTAC mirovnu misiju u Kambodži UN ponosno ističe kao jednu od najvećih uspjeha, UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji je priznat kao jedan od najvećih neuspjeha međunarodne zajednice. Rad se vodi idejom da bi upravo navedene misije, s potpuno različitih krajeva spektra, mogle otkriti jedan od ključnih faktora koji utječu na uspješnost peacekeepinga. Podrobnom analizom oba sukoba i obije misije potvrdit će se hipoteza kako se upravo taj odlučujući faktor, koji je odredio uspjeh u Kambodži, odnosno neuspjeh u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, ne nalazi unutar same mirovne misije, već se odnosi na karakter sukoba, to jest dužinu njegova vremenskog trajanja. ; Along with the Cold War ending and the Communist bloc demise, the United Nations, while seeking to establish its transformed role in the new global environment, begin to rapidly increase the number of peacekeeping missions. One of the first demonstrations of UN's new, more active role were two, by their complexity, very similar peace missions: UNTAC in Cambodia and UNPROFOR in Former Yugoslavia. Despite the numerous shared features, these missions produced substantialy different results. While the UN proudly upholds the UNTAC peace mission as one of the Organization's greatest archievements, UNPROFOR in the Former Yugoslavia is regarded as one of the biggest defeats of the international community. This paper aims to detect one of the key factors which influence the probability of peacekeeping success while comparing two missions from different ends of the spectrum. With the detailed analisis of both conflicts and missions, the hypothesis ...

Post hladnoratovsko proširenje NATO-a, u dosad provedena dva kruga, predstavlja najveću i najvažniju geopolitičku promjenu u Europi, nakon geopolitičke tranzicije koja se u Europi odigrala u razdoblju od 1989. do 1991. g. Treći krug proširenja, koji uključuje Hrvatsku i Albaniju, otvoren je davanjem pozivnica ovim državama na Summitu NATO-a u Bukureštu u travnju 2008. g. Proširenje je bilo i još uvijek jest dio preobrazbe NATO-a u post hladnoratovskom razdoblju u kojem je NATO evoluirao iz tradicionalnog vojnopolitičkog saveza u kombinaciju saveza i sigurnosne zajednice. Proširenje je također bilo i jest izraz američke pobjede u hladnom ratu i uzdizanja SAD-a u jedinu svjetsku supersilu. NATO je povećao svoj teritorijalni obuhvat, promijenio svoje misije, sposobnosti i ciljeve, te ih nastavlja mijenjati kako bi ostao spreman odgovoriti na buduće sigurnosne izazove koji se postavljaju pred njegove članice. Najveći izazov NATO-u u budućnosti mogao bi doći iznutra, a to je mogućnost da postane sredstvo američke globalne geostrategije i njenih ciljeva. Ako NATO želi ostati legitimnim savezom i izrastati u sigurnosnu zajednicu, ne smije postati sredstvo za ispunjavanje geopolitičkih i geostrateških ciljeva samo jedne države, pa čak ni SAD-a. Stoga je u odnosima SAD-a i Europe potreban uravnotežen pristup, prema kojem SAD ne bi koristile vojnu moć kako bi nametale svoje geopolitičke i geostrateške ciljeve pod svaku cijenu. ; The Post-Cold War enlargement of NATO, in two rounds so far, was the biggest and the most important geopolitical change in Europe, after the geopolitical transition that took place in Europe from 1989 to 1991. A third round of the enlargement, which includes Croatia and Albania, was opened at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April 2008, by sending invitations to these two states. Enlargement was and still is a part of NATO's transformation in the Post-Cold War Era in which NATO has evolved from a traditional form of military-political alliance into a combination of an alliance and security community. It also was and still is an expression of American triumph in the Cold War and the rising of the USA to a status of the world's only superpower. NATO has enlarged its territorial reach, changed its missions, capabilities and objectives, and is continuing to modify them so that it could stay prepared for the future security challenges facing its members. The biggest challenge facing NATO in the future may be coming from the inside – the possibility of becoming a tool of USA's global geostrategy and its aims. If NATO wants to remain a legitimate alliance and develop itself towards the security community, it must not become a tool for fulfilling the geopolitical and geostrategic goals of only one state, not even the USA. Therefore, a balanced approach in American-European relations is needed, according to which the USA would not use its military power to impose its geopolitical and geostrategic objectives at any cost.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

U radu se analiziraju četiri slučaja diplomacije prinude od kojih svaka predstavlja jedan aspekt suvremenih sigurnosnih ugroza: teritorijalna agresija motivirana nacionalističkim i etničkim aspiracijama (Bosna), agresija protiv vlastitog stanovništva zbog želje za samoodređenjem (Kosovo), terorizam (Afganistan) i oružje za masovno uništavanje (Irak). Cilj je provedene analize identificirati čimbenike koji su utjecali na ishod (uspjeh/neuspjeh) provedene strategije. Kao kriterij vrednovanja ishoda koristi se Jentlensonov cost/benefit model koji se temelji na zadovoljenju kriterija proporcionalnosti, recipročnosti i vjerodostojnosti. Uspjeh diplomacije prinude u Bosni imao je značajan utjecaj na odabir strategije za Kosovo, koji se smatra graničnim uspjehom s obzirom na dugotrajnost zračne kampanje. Diplomacija prinude u slučaju Afganistana i Iraka nije polučila željene rezultate te su ciljevi ostvareni primjenom sveobuhvatne vojne sile. Uzevši u obzir rezultate analize koji upućuju na zaključak da je diplomacija prinude, unatoč konceptualnoj jednostavnosti, kompleksna strategija čiji je ishod uvelike određen nizom kontekstualnih varijabli uz prilično ambivalentan karakter, svrha je ovoga rada spoznaja korisnosti i perspektive primjenjivosti Jentlensonova modela u objašnjenju uspjeha, odnosno neuspjeha strategije prinude. ; This paper analyzes four cases of coercive diplomacy each representing one aspect of contemporary security threats: territorial aggression motivated by nationalist and ethnic aspirations (Bosnia), aggression motivated by self-determination (Kosovo), terrorism (Afghanistan) and weapons of mass destruction (Iraq). The aim of the analysis is to identify factors that had impact on the outcome (success/failure) of coercive strategy. Jentleson cost benefit model based on the criteria of proportionality, reciprocity and credibility is used as the criterion for valuing outcome. The successfull aplication od coercive diplomacy in Bosnia played a major role in creating Kosovo`s coercive strategy witch is regarded as a marginal success due to continuance of the air campaign. Coercive diplomacy in cases of Afganistan and Iraq had faild and goals were achieved through application of brute force. Taking into account the results of the analysis that points to the conclusion that coercive diplomacy, despite conceptual simplicity, is a complex strategy whose outcome is influenced by a number of contextual variables with rather ambivalent character, the purpose of this paper is to comprehend the effectiveness and perspectives of the applicability of Jentlenson model in verification of success or failure of coercive strategy.

1948. bila je prijelomna godina za jugoslavensko-američke odnose i američku vanjsku politiku prema Jugoslaviji. Nakon razlaza sa Staljinom, američka administracija formulirala je "strategiju klina" u svrhu održavanja Tita "na površini" te, osim ekonomske i vojne pomoći, pokrenula niz kulturnih programa namijenjenih približavanju Jugoslavije Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Članak analizira aktivnosti kao i kulturnu i intelektualnu atraktivnost Američke čitaonice u Zagrebu u jeku Hladnog rata kao dio američke javne i kulturne diplomacije. Nastao je na temelju usmenog intervjua te je popraćen međunarodnim arhivskim istraživanjem (National Archives at College Park i University of Arkansas Library, SAD; Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv Josipa Broza Tita i Historijski arhiv grada Beograda, Beograd; Hrvatski državni arhiv, Zagreb; te Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection). Autorica tvrdi da je kroz djelatnosti čitaonice, programe kulturnih razmjena, radio Glas Amerike, američkih paviljona na Zagrebačkom i Beogradskom velesajmu, kao i preko kulturnih gostovanja, američka vlada uspješno vezala jugoslavenski kulturni prostor za zapadne, američke trendove i tendencije. Kroz perspektivu osobnog svjedoka, direktorice United States Information Servicea (USIS) Zagreb, autorica izlaže uspjehe, granice i prostore pregovaranja američke javne diplomacije (public diplomacy) kao validnog instrumenta američke vanjske politike prema Titovoj Jugoslaviji. ; 1948 was a breakthrough year for the Yugoslav-American bilateral relations and the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia. After the Tito-Stalin split, the US administration conceived a "wedge strategy" to "keep Tito afloat" and, besides economic and military aid, launched a series of cultural programs aimed at bringing Yugoslavia closer to the United States. The article analyzes the activities as well as the cultural and intellectual attractiveness of the American Library Zagreb at the height of the Cold War as part of the US public diplomacy strategy in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on an oral interview, the article relies on international archival research at the National Archives at College Park and the University of Arkansas Library, USA, the Yugoslav Archives, Josip Broz Tito's Archives, Belgrade's Historical Archives, Belgrade, the Croatian State Archives, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection. The author argues that through the library activities, the cultural exchange programs, the Voice of America, and the American pavilions at the Zagreb and Belgrade Fair, as well as through cultural visits, the US government successfully linked the Yugoslav cultural space to Western, American trends and tendencies. Through the perspective of a witness, the United States Information Service (USIS) director in Zagreb, the author presents the successes, boundaries and negotiating spaces of the US public diplomacy as a valid instrument of US foreign policy towards Tito's Yugoslavia.

U radu se, korištenjem konstruktivističkog pristupa Alexandera Wendta, analiziraju razlozi za nastanak europskih integracija s obzirom na neriješeno njemačko pitanje. Pritom se koristi model odnosa identiteta i interesa kako bi se analiziralo ponašanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskoga Saveza u razdoblju od 1945. do 1990. s obzirom na nastanak hladnoga rata, europskih integracija i rješavanje njemačkoga pitanja. Također se analizira odnos identiteta i interesa dviju njemačkih država prema njihovom budućem ujedinjenju. Polazeći od Giddensove teorije strukturacije, na koju se naslanja Wendtov konstruktivizam, prati se ponašanje države kao agenta u odnosu prema anarhiji kao strukturi međunarodnog sustava. U članku se propituje pretpostavka da je neriješeno njemačko pitanje ubrzalo, ali i uvjetovalo nastanak europskih integracija. Na kraju članka analizira se utjecaj politike detanta i njezinih posljedica na njemačko ujedinjenje. ; In this article, Alexander Wendt's constructivist approach was used in order to explain the reasons for the formation of European integrations in regard to the unresolved German Question. The model of interaction between identities and interests was used in order to analyse the behaviour of two superpowers between 1945 and 1990, in relation to the following developments: the Cold War, European integrations, and German unification. The behaviour of two German states regarding their future unification was also observed. The state was used as the basic unit of analysis. As theoretical foundation, Wendt's constructivist approach, which rests on Giddens' theory of structuration, was used in order to explain duality of structure and agency in relation to reproduction or transformation of the (international) system. The assumption that the unresolved German Question not only accelerated but also conditioned the emergence of European integrations, was put under scrutiny. It was also analysed how the emergence of the policy of detente conditioned the changes in international relations during the observed period, particularly in regard to ideational factors such as the results of the Conference on European Security and Co operation, West German Ostpolitik, and the appearance of new ideas in the former Soviet Union, as well as their role in the unification of two German states in 1990.

Završetkom Hladnog rata otvorio se prostor za razvoj odnosa u međunarodnoj zajednici koji pogoduju stvaranju globalnog partnerstva. Iako članak 5. ostaje brand Saveza, nužno je moderniziranje odnosa na relaciji SAD – EU, kao i s ostalim važnim čimbenicima međunarodnih odnosa poput UN-a, OESS-a, Rusije, ali i Kine. Kako su se mijenjali međunarodni odnosi, tako je i Sjevernoatlantski savez tijekom desetljeća svog postojanja prošao različite faze razvoja – od Hladnog rata do pokušaja stvaranja globalnog partnerstva. Djelujući globalno, nameće se potreba za jasnijim definiranjem legitimnosti operacija izvan prostora država članica sukladno međunarodnom pravu. U tom smislu članci 4. i 7. Ugovora dobivaju posebno značenje. Zapravo, imajući u vidu jedinu preostalu misiju tzv. tradicionalnog Saveza u Europi, Lisabonski samit predstavlja velik korak u pravcu završetka NATO-ove vlastite posthladnoratovske tranzicije, ali i doprinos daljnjem procesu izgradnje mira i povjerenja u Jugoistočnoj Europi. ; The end of the Cold War opened the space for developing new relationships in the international community that are conducive to creating global partnerships. Although Article 5 remains the brand of NATO, it is necessary to modernize the relationship between the U.S. and the EU as well as with other important actors in international relations such as the UN, OSCE, Russia and China. With changed international relations through past sixty years, the North Atlantic Alliance has changed itself simultaneously over decades. The Alliance passed through different stages of its own development – from the Cold War era to attempting to create a global partnership. Acting globally, there is a need for defining the legitimate operations outside the territory of Member States under International law. In this sense, Articles 4 and 7 have a special meaning. In fact, bearing in mind the mission of "old" and traditional NATO, the Lisbon Summit represents a major step toward completion of NATO's post-Cold War transition, but also contributes to the process of building long-lasting peace and confidence in Southeast Europe.

Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration. ; Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

Sovjetsko-afganistanski rat vodio se od 1979. do 1989. godine na prostoru Središnje i Južne Azije, u državi Afganistan. Započeo je intervencijom sovjetske vojske u Afganistanu ubrzo nakon što je Narodna demokratska partija Afganistana preuzela vlast u zemlji. Prvotni sovjetski cilj bio je stabilizirati političku situaciju u zemlji i omogućiti vladajućoj komunističkoj stranci neometano obnašanje vlasti. Tradicionalno afganistansko društvo pobunilo se prvo protiv vlade u Kabulu, a zatim se oružano suprotstavilo i sovjetskoj vojsci čime je započeo desetogodišnji krvavi rat u Afganistanu. Afganistanski pokret otpora sačinjavale su brojne mudžahedinske frakcije koje su osim protiv vlade u Kabulu i Sovjeta, ratovale i međusobno u borbi za poslijeratnu vlast u zemlji. Budući da se rat odvijao u vremenu Hladnog rata, on je poprimio šire geopolitičko značenje i u njega su se involvirale sve tadašnje svjetske i regionalne sile, uključujući i najvećeg hladnoratovskog neprijatelja SSSR-a, Sjedinjene Američke Države. Pomoć je mudžahedinima upućivana prvenstveno iz susjednog Pakistana, koji je i sam imao regionalni interes postaviti na vlast u Kabulu sebi prihvatljivu vladu. U nešto manjoj mjeri pokretu otpora pomoć je pristizala iz Narodne Republike Kine i Islamske Republike Irana, tako da se može reći kako su sve susjedne države Afganistana bile uključene u ratna zbivanja. Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugoslavija na diplomatskom se polju uključila u traženje mirnog rješenja za završetak sukoba, a svoju je geopolitičku važnost crpila kao jedna od predvodnica Pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja. Sovjetska vojska bila je sasvim nepripremljena za gerilski tip rata kakav su mudžahedini vodili i uskoro se našla u pat poziciji¸ gdje se konačna pobjeda činila sve manje vjerojatnom. Dolaskom Mihaila Gorbačova na vlast u SSSR-u mijenja se vanjskopolitički kurs Moskve, pa su se sukladno tomu počela tražiti rješenja za napuštanje Afganistana i okončanje rata. Sovjetska vojska iz Afganistana se povukla početkom 1989. godine, no rat se u ...

Even though many would have bet on NATO's demise after the Cold War and consider it now to be an archaic, antiquated alliance — as the reality that led to its formation no longer exists to justify its purpose — the need for collective defence in an increasingly complicated security environment stands as grounds for its ever-growing importance and its need to adapt to a spectrum of challenges that is becoming more diversified. NATO has long surpassed its military defensive role and has adapted to new challenges and new threats, while it has broadened its security agenda accordingly. The 'out of area' missions that dragged the Alliance out of its borders brought more meaning to the community of shared values, whilst allowing it to become both a security exporter, and a values and norms exporter. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan comprises NATO's transformation and adaptation to the new security challenges and its diffusion of norms in the 'near abroad'. ; Even though many would have bet on NATO's demise after the Cold War and consider it now to be an archaic, antiquated alliance — as the reality that led to its formation no longer exists to justify its purpose — the need for collective defence in an increasingly complicated security environment stands as grounds for its ever-growing importance and its need to adapt to a spectrum of challenges that is becoming more diversified. NATO has long surpassed its military defensive role and has adapted to new challenges and new threats, while it has broadened its security agenda accordingly. The 'out of area' missions that dragged the Alliance out of its borders brought more meaning to the community of shared values, whilst allowing it to become both a security exporter, and a values and norms exporter. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan comprises NATO's transformation and adaptation to the new security challenges and its diffusion of norms in the 'near abroad'.

After the collapse of the bipolar international order, NATO has been focused on its desire to eradicate Cold War divisions and to build good relations with Russia. However, the security environment, especially in Europe, is still dramatically changing. The NATO Warsaw Summit was focused especially on NATO's deteriorated relations with Russia that affect Europe's security. At the same time, it looked at bolstering deterrence and defence due to many concerns coming from eastern European allies about Russia's new attitude in international relations. The Allies agreed that a dialogue with Russia rebuilding mutual trust needs to start. In the times when Europe faces major crisis from its southern and south-eastern neighbourhood - Western Balkan countries, Syria, Libya and Iraq - and other threats, such as terrorism, coming from the so-called Islamic State, causing migration crises, it is necessary to calm down relations with Russia. The article brings out the main purpose of NATO in a transformed world, with the accent on Europe, that is constantly developing new security conditions while tackling new challenges and threats. ; After the collapse of the bipolar international order, NATO has been focused on its desire to eradicate Cold War divisions and to build good relations with Russia. However, the security environment, especially in Europe, is still dramatically changing. The NATO Warsaw Summit was focused especially on NATO's deteriorated relations with Russia that affect Europe's security. At the same time, it looked at bolstering deterrence and defence due to many concerns coming from eastern European allies about Russia's new attitude in international relations. The Allies agreed that a dialogue with Russia rebuilding mutual trust needs to start. In the times when Europe faces major crisis from its southern and south-eastern neighbourhood - Western Balkan countries, Syria, Libya and Iraq - and other threats, such as terrorism, coming from the so-called Islamic State, causing migration crises, it is necessary to calm down relations with Russia. The article brings out the main purpose of NATO in a transformed world, with the accent on Europe, that is constantly developing new security conditions while tackling new challenges and threats.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Rad predstavlja pokušaj da se prikažu brojne nepravilnosti u provođenju UNICEF-ova Programa automobila i drugih prijevoznih sredstava u FNRJ. Zloupotreba voznog parka Međunarodnog dječjeg fonda usporila je razvoj nedovoljno izgrađene zdravstvene službe. "Problemi" u distribuciji roba i provođenju usluga posredno su se odrazili na zdravstveno zbrinjavanje najugroženijih kategorija stanovništva u Jugoslaviji po okončanju Drugog svjetskog rata. ; An analysis of the introduction of the UNICEF (United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund) program concerning automobiles and other vehicles in Yugoslavia in the period from 1948 to 1954 reveals a number of injustices and misuses which significantly reduced the real value of one of the most expensive programs UNICEF administered in Yugoslavia, ultimately hurting the state as well as the users of the insufficiently supplied health services. Representatives of the government, the police, the military, as well as leaders of organizations misused the vehicles which they obtained from UNICEF. It is apparent that representatives of the government, who were organized according to the principle of political loyalty, did not pay sufficient attention to the problem of allocating UNICEF's services of resources. More care was shown only in cases when clear warnings were given that further aid would be terminated. In all other cases, a clear lack of care and disregard was shown toward the precious help provided by UNICEF, while its automobile compound was treated as property of the state. Later UNICEF introduced stricter policies regarding the distribution of vehicles, because it realized that the Yugoslav side was using the resources distributed for other purposes than those for which they were intended. Besides this, ten years after the end of the Second World War the situation in Europe had improved to a significant degree, meanwhile new crisis areas requiring UNICEF's attention had appeared in Asia, Africa, and South America. This change in UNICEF policies created a number of problems for the Yugoslavian government in terms of future cooperation with the UN organization, that is, the Yugoslavians had to pay far greater care and attention to the distribution of services and resources offered by UNICEF.