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Housing construction is one of the most fundamental tasks of architecture and urbanism. And many cities are experiencing a strong increase in demand from families with children or for mixed and integrated living. Projects designed for owner-occupation often offer ideal solutions, because owner occupants who are both investors and decision-makers set new standards for quality as well as cost savings.

In 2015, the Moscow City Hall and the Gulag History Museum launched a competition for the creation of a commemorative monument dedicated to the victims of political repression in Russia during the 1920s to the 1950s. In this article we present three studies carried out on an array of 309 images (digital images, model photographs, drawings) related to the projects submitted for this competition. Each project image was accompanied by a text written by the author (artist, architect, designer). These images and texts were analyzed within the framework of the concept of collective memory and the theory of social representations. The first study focused on the texts and suggested that there are two dimensions of the collective memory about the commemorated event, a historical dimension and a human dimension. The second study focused on images, two dominant forms in the monument projects were identified. The third study showed that depending on whether the accompanying text favors the historical dimension of the event or its human dimension, the designers did not make identical use of the different architectural forms (identified in the previous study) to elaborate their project. These results suggest that the architectural forms of monument projects vary according to the historical vs. human dimension favored by the collective memory of their authors.

This article provides an analytic overview of scholarly work on the concept of collective identity by considering its conceptualization and various empirical manifestations, the analytic approaches informing its discussion and analysis, and a number of theoretical and empirical issues, including a synopsis of the symbolic means through which collective identity is expressed and asserted. Although the scholarly roots of the concept can be traced to classical sociologists such as Marx and Durkheim, and more recently to the mid-century work of scholars such as Erik Erickson and Erving Goffman, it was not until the latter quarter of the past century that the concept generated an outpouring of work invoking the concept directly or referring to it indirectly through the linkage of various collectivities and their identity interests via such concepts as identity politics, identity projects, contested identities, insurgent identities, nationalism, imagined communities, identity movements and even social movements more generally. Conceptually, the essence of collective identity resides in a shared and interactive sense of "we-ness" and "collective agency." Although the concept is distinguished analytically from both personal identity and social identity, the three types of identity clearly overlap and interact. Empirically, collective identity can surface in a variety of contexts, although the preponderance of research has focused on its connection to gender, ethnicity, religion, nationalism and particularly social movements. Analytically, collective identity has generally been discussed from a primordial, structural, and/or constructionist standpoint. Primordial and structural approaches are discussed as variants of essentialism, which is contrasted to constructionism. Among other things, constructionism focuses attention on the symbolic expression and maintenance of collective identities.

This article suggests an answer to the question of national identity and belonging to nation-states in an avant-garde Europe. In other words, it examines: what might the avant-garde of national identity in Europe in the XXI century be; will nationalities and simple belonging to nation-states be sufficient for Europeans; what is the vitality and the potential of pan-European identity to fill the gaps of national identity; and how the two strains of belonging relate to each other. The central argument is built around the idea of the clash between neonationalism and postnationalism in the form of pan-Europeanism, in which new forms of collective identity in Europe are emerging.

The depicted semi-permanent structures, made from natural wood and scavenged materials, are home to an increasing population of young and not-so-young men and women. These particular dwellings are situated in the River Avon Valley in North East Somerset, on private land between the river, railway line and canal. Without planning permission and consent, these dwellings are a stone's throw from the circuits of capitalist economy – the Georgian splendor and affluence of the City of Bath, a World Heritage Site. They serve as very vulnerable shelters for those with no means of support, who are often blighted by health problems, drug and alcohol dependence, and mental illness.

This photo-essay analyzes the politics of dwelling of the inhabitants of 'outcast' Calcutta - the city that is the nightmare of urban planners and whose squalor, filth and poverty are taken to be indexes of the failure of the postcolonial urbanism as such. The city that turned itself into a barricade during the street-fighting years of the 1960s is now about to turn its back on its own subalterns (migrants from poorer areas), participating in urban cleansing drives that derive from neo-liberal dictates. Showing that the squatters also dwell and forge solidarities underpinned by an ethic of survival, this essay draws attention to non-state political formations emerging out of the negotiations of the City Form with the non-civic but enabling life-forms prevalent in subaltern Calcutta.

Résumé La déferlante Internet n'en finit pas de modifier le quotidien des jeunes générations. En favorisant un nouveau mode de communication indirect, permanent et mis à jour en temps réel, le réseau sème les germes d'une nouvelle forme d'intelligence collective humaine. Cette intelligence collective permettra-t-elle aux groupes d'internautes d'acquérir de nouvelles capacités afin de résoudre des problèmes nouveaux, ou simplement d'être plus efficaces pour traiter ceux que nous connaissons déjà ? L'homme « en réseau » sera-t-il juste, plus efficace, ou plus intelligent ? La société « en réseau » sera-t-elle animée par des liens plus forts, moins forts, ou d'une tout autre nature ?

Explanations for collective racial violence in America and Britain can be classified into three: communal disorder, political contention and class struggle. The first portrays rioting as the expressive acts of aggrieved but disorganized groups, the second as instrumental action by new contenders for political power and the third as authentic class rebellion based upon socially cohesive communities. The areas of disagreement between these three are examined and their different judgements about the character of the violence is assessed. Contrary to the concerns of much empirical research, the primary dispute is over the capability for collective action which ordinary social networks accord oppressed groups. The different approaches either devalue or exaggerate the type of collective action which can be organized on the basis of informal contacts. As a consequence they fail to recognize the occurrence of a fourth type of riot, civil resistance, and incorrectly assess the powerless position which some disadvantaged minorities occupy.

Explanations for collective racial violence in the US & GB are discussed. The communal disorder perspective portrays rioting as the expressive acts of aggrieved but disorganized groups, the political contention perspective views it as instrumental action by new contenders for political power, & the class struggle model depicts it as authentic class rebellion based on socially cohesive communities. These viewpoints are assessed & placed within a more comprehensive typological framework. It is argued that the three approaches either devalue or exaggerate the type of collective action that can be organized on the basis of informal contacts, & that black violence is characterized by a fourth type of riot, civil resistance, arising from the powerless position this disadvantaged minority occupies. 1 Table. Modified HA

Examines violent behavior by Blacks in Great Britain and the U.S. in terms of communal disorder, political contention, and class struggle.

"Der Aufsatz untersucht die Gründe und Motivationen von Arbeitgebern zur Gründung von Arbeitgeberverbänden sowie ihre Bereitschaft, diese mit ausreichenden Ressourcen und tarifpolitischer Handlungsfähigkeit auszustatten. Basierend auf der Analyse von vier Fällen neu gegründeter Arbeitgeberverbände werden mit der gewerkschaftlichen Gegenmacht, dem staatlichen Handeln und der Bereitstellung von Kollektivgütern drei Gründe für die Organisationsfähigkeit der Arbeitgeber vorgestellt, die sich in ihrer Wirksamkeit nicht gegenseitig ausschließen. Für die erfolgreiche Gründung eines Arbeitgeberverbandes kann jeder dieser drei Faktoren, ob nun für sich genommen oder in Kombinationen mit anderen, ausreichend sein. Die Analyse kommt auch zu dem Ergebnis, dass es keine Belege für eine klare Hierarchie in Bezug auf ihr Potential für eine Verbandsgründung gibt." (Autorenreferat)