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International audience ; The present article examines the process of collective identity formation in the context of hybrid organizing. Empirically, we investigate hybrid organizing in a collaborative structure at the interface of two heterogeneous organizations in the domain of new renewable energies. We draw on the literature on knowledge sharing across organizational boundaries, particularly the notions of transfer, translation and transformation, to examine in real time how knowledge sharing in a hybrid setting contributes (or not) to the emergence of a new collective identity at the interface of two heterogeneous organizations. Our findings point to two factors that limit knowledge sharing and hence to new collective identity formation in a hybrid space: 1) ambiguous or multiple organizational roles and 2) strong identities of the collaborating organizations. These findings contribute to illuminating the initial formation of a new collective identity in hybrid organizing, and hence how new hybrid organizational forms may emerge non-intentionally.

International audience ; The present article examines the process of collective identity formation in the context of hybrid organizing. Empirically, we investigate hybrid organizing in a collaborative structure at the interface of two heterogeneous organizations in the domain of new renewable energies. We draw on the literature on knowledge sharing across organizational boundaries, particularly the notions of transfer, translation and transformation, to examine in real time how knowledge sharing in a hybrid setting contributes (or not) to the emergence of a new collective identity at the interface of two heterogeneous organizations. Our findings point to two factors that limit knowledge sharing and hence to new collective identity formation in a hybrid space: 1) ambiguous or multiple organizational roles and 2) strong identities of the collaborating organizations. These findings contribute to illuminating the initial formation of a new collective identity in hybrid organizing, and hence how new hybrid organizational forms may emerge non-intentionally.

Presents a processual approach to collective identity that emphasizes the process through which an action system is constructed. On this view, collective identity involves cognitive definitions concerning: the ends, means, & field of action; a network of active relationships between actors; & a degree of emotional investment that allows individuals to feel part of a larger collective whole. It is argued that this understanding of collective identity opens a field view of collective action that situates these processes in the social field in which they are conducted. Further, it is asserted that this view of collective identity contributes to an understanding of collective action in highly differentiated cultural systems & helps scholars move past a global & metaphysical conception of collective actors as heroes or villains. Specific research methods appropriate for analyzing collective identity through this prism are discussed & illustrated in a brief review of literature tracking the formation of collective identity in the women's movement of the 1970s. Finally, it is contended that studying collective identity in this fashion means closing the distance between observer & observed to recognize that researchers are also participating in the uncertain construction of this process. D. M. Smith

This book is the first monograph to systematically explore the relationship between citizenship and collective identity in the European Union, integrating two fields of research - citizenship and collective identity. Karolewski argues that various types of citizenship correlate with differing collective identities and demonstrates the link between citizenship and collective identity. He constructs three generic models of citizenship including the republican, the liberal and the caesarean citizenship to which he ascribes types of collective identity. Using a multidisciplinary ap.

Sociology, emerging in the 19th century as the study of national societies, is the intellectual product of its time, power relations and social imaginaries. As a discursive practice that was enmeshed in the meta-narratives of modernity, the discipline of sociology bears the inherent capacity to shape socially shared concepts and construct collective identities. This book examines the relationships between sociology and projects of national identity construction, and presents a critique of Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, the prominent Israeli sociologist known as the "father of Israeli sociology". The book focuses on Eisenstadt's sociology of Israel as a case of knowledge construction within an ideological system and examines the relationships between his various sociological analyses of Israeli society and the Zionist imaginary, namely the deeply entrenched political myths and historiographical narratives that constitute Israel's hegemonic national identity. By emphasizing the interrelation between textuality, identity, and loaded language, the volume seeks to demythologize Eisenstadt's sociology of Israel. Three major concepts in Eisenstadt's scholarship are specifically thematized: integration, civilization, and modernities. In each of these foci, the author shows how Eisenstadt's sociological conjectures reproduce dominant Zionist historiographical representations of the past, rationalize prevalent social hierarchies, reify the boundaries of a national collective "Self", and render legitimacy to Israel's governing ethnocratic tendencies, underlying the premises of the Zionist settler-colonial project. Sociological Knowledge and Collective Identity will appeal to those interested in the interconnectedness of sociology and political memory, as well as in a radical postcolonial reconstruction of sociology.

This article provides an analytic overview of scholarly work on the concept of collective identity by considering its conceptualization and various empirical manifestations, the analytic approaches informing its discussion and analysis, and a number of theoretical and empirical issues, including a synopsis of the symbolic means through which collective identity is expressed and asserted. Although the scholarly roots of the concept can be traced to classical sociologists such as Marx and Durkheim, and more recently to the mid-century work of scholars such as Erik Erickson and Erving Goffman, it was not until the latter quarter of the past century that the concept generated an outpouring of work invoking the concept directly or referring to it indirectly through the linkage of various collectivities and their identity interests via such concepts as identity politics, identity projects, contested identities, insurgent identities, nationalism, imagined communities, identity movements and even social movements more generally. Conceptually, the essence of collective identity resides in a shared and interactive sense of "we-ness" and "collective agency." Although the concept is distinguished analytically from both personal identity and social identity, the three types of identity clearly overlap and interact. Empirically, collective identity can surface in a variety of contexts, although the preponderance of research has focused on its connection to gender, ethnicity, religion, nationalism and particularly social movements. Analytically, collective identity has generally been discussed from a primordial, structural, and/or constructionist standpoint. Primordial and structural approaches are discussed as variants of essentialism, which is contrasted to constructionism. Among other things, constructionism focuses attention on the symbolic expression and maintenance of collective identities.

This article focuses on transformation of collective identity in the West Bank and Gaza Strip after the 'Nakba' (catastrophe) of 1948. The article argues that Arab identity, which was dominant in Palestine during the Mandate period, continued to be dominant after the 'Nakba'. The weak Palestinian identity started to strengthen continuously among all Palestinians after the June War of 1967. In the Israeli occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, Palestinian identity greatly intensified and became the strongest identity in the last two to three decades. Comparison of collective identity before and after the Oslo Agreement shows that while under the Palestinian Authority (PA), Palestinian identity remained the strongest identity, Muslim identity and clan (or hamula) identity have greatly intensified.

Sociologists have turned to collective identity to fill gaps in resource mobilization and political process accounts of the emergence, trajectories, and impacts of social movements. Collective identity has been treated as an alternative to structurally given interests in accounting for the claims on behalf of which people mobilize, an alternative to selective incentives in understanding why people participate, an alternative to instrumental rationality in explaining what tactical choices activists make, and an alternative to institutional reforms in assessing movements' impacts. Collective identity has been treated both too broadly and too narrowly, sometimes applied to too many dynamics, at other times made into a residual category within structuralist, state-centered, and rationalist accounts.

Collective identity entered the social movements literature as an early recognition of the importance of meaning-making in shaping movement participants and influencing movement actions In this article, we go against the more usual practice of treating movements as unified actors, and instead, take a decentered, dialogic approach that recognizes the difficulties and contentiousness of producing movement identities amidst multiple discourses and practices. We illustrate this framework with three ethnographic cases from Canada, Scotland and Nepal, which highlight collective identity and meaning-making through place-based, contingent cultural processes. The cases use the concepts of figured worlds, alter-versions of identity, and cultural artifacts to show how collective identity develops dialogically in practice both within and outside of movements.

This paper explores the effects of collective identity on protest behavior by applying an extended version of the theory of collective action. Hypotheses are derived about the following questions that are rarely addressed in the literature: Are there situations in which collective identity diminishes protest? The standard assumption is that collective identity increases protest behavior. Does collective identity have indirect effects – via the determinants of protest – on protest behavior? Are there feedback effects of protest participation on collective identity? The hypotheses that address these questions are tested with a three-wave panel study. Three findings are of particular interest: (1) the overall direct additive effects of identity on protest behavior are statistically not significant. (2) Evidence is provided that in solidary groups identity does not raise but reduce protest. (3) The major effects of identity are indirect: identity influences the determinants of protest.