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This paper explores the hegemonic discourse on historical memory in contemporary Russia, in addition to its political implications. Furthermore, the role played by the Russian media system in the dissemination of the memory discourse endorsed by the Kremlin, and its impact, are also described. The analysis is carried out in a theoretical framework that advocates for the need for delving deeper into the intersections between communication and memory studies.

The article is devoted to a retrospective analysis of the systems of political upbringing and education in three powers - China, Russia and the United States. The goals, objectives, characteristics of the state ideology in relation to political education and enlightenment of young people at different historical stages are revealed. The key problems faced by the system of political education in the PRC, the Russian Federation and the United States are identified. The current threats and problems that hinder the full-fledged objective, scientifically grounded political education of young people are assessed. Some measures and ways of developing the system of political education and enlightenment are proposed, taking into account the current situation, both within the three countries - China, the Russian Federation and the United States, and within them, taking into account the current position of each of them on the world stage.

Intro -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Editors and Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1 Introduction: War and Memory in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus -- From Memory Wars to Real Wars -- A Region of Memory? Beyond National Memories in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine -- Russia -- Ukraine -- Belarus -- Outline of the Book -- Coda: From Communicative to Cultural Memory -- References -- Part I Memories of World War II and Nation-Building -- Chapter 2 Political Uses of the Great Patriotic War in Post-Soviet Russia from Yeltsin to Putin -- The Yeltsin Era: Abandoning the Soviet Past, Searching for a New Consensus -- The Putin Era: The Great Patriotic War as a Myth of National Triumph -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3 "Unhappy Is the Person Who Has No Motherland": National Ideology and History Writing in Lukashenka's Belarus -- Introduction -- Background -- Rival Traditions of Statehood -- The Belarusian People's Republic (BNR) -- The Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) -- Rival Narratives -- Official Historiography -- The Great Victory -- An Alternative Historical Culture -- Rival Sets of State Symbols -- The Cult of State Symbols -- Rewarding Patriotic Virtue -- Appropriating the Oppositional Historical Narrative -- Omissions and Blank Spots -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4 Reclaiming the Past, Confronting the Past: OUN-UPA Memory Politics and Nation Building in Ukraine (1991-2016) -- Competing Myths: The "Great Patriotic War" vs Ukrainian "National Liberation" -- "Reclaiming the Past" Vs "Coming to Terms with the Past" -- Filling in the "Blank Spots" of History Under Gorbachev and Beyond -- The Kuchma Presidency: A Decade of Ambivalence -- Memory at War: The Past Enters Ukrainian Electoral Politics -- Controversy Over Normalization of the OUN-UPA Memory -- Euromaidan and Beyond

In his Clash of Civilizations, Samuel Huntington specifically predicts a rapprochement in Greek-Russian relations on account of common civilizational factors. The explanatory validity of this claim can be assessed by examining the extent and nature of the recently improved bilateral relations between Athens and Moscow. An analysis is presented of the Burgas-Alexandroupolis oil pipeline deal, Greece's participation in the South Stream gas pipeline project, its purchase of Russian tanks, and its more recent strategy of taking a step back from its overall excellent relations with Russia. Upon further scrutiny, it is concluded that cultural affinities do not determine or even greatly influence contemporary Greek foreign policy. Rather, Athens' various decisions are better explained on the basis of more traditional realist concepts.

Chapter 1 -- Collective memory: concepts and methods -- Chapter 2 -- Collective memory and the Russian "schematic narrative template" -- Chapter 3 -- Patterns of collective remembering and identity -- Chapter 4 -- Historical narratives, cultural traditions, and collective memory in the South Caucasus -- Chapter 5 -- Characteristics of collective memory, ethnic conflicts, historiography, and the "politics of memory" -- Post Scriptum -- Conclusion -- References -- About the Author -- Index.

Laws against Holocaust denial are perhaps the best-known manifestation of the present-day politics of historical memory. In Memory Laws, Memory Wars, Nikolay Koposov examines the phenomenon of memory laws in Western and Eastern Europe, Ukraine, and Russia and exposes their very different purposes in the East and West. In Western Europe, he shows how memory laws were designed to create a common European memory centred on the memory of the Holocaust as a means of integrating Europe, combating racism, and averting national and ethnic conflicts. In Russia and Eastern Europe, by contrast, legislation on the issues of the past is often used to give the force of law to narratives which serve the narrower interests of nation states and protect the memory of perpetrators rather than victims. This will be essential reading for all those interested in ongoing conflicts over the legacy of the Second World War, Nazism, and communism.

This edited collection contributes to the current vivid multidisciplinary debate on East European memory politics and the post-communist instrumentalization and re-mythologization of World War II memories. At the same time, the book has a distinctive geographic focus through the concentration on the three Slavic countries of post-Soviet Eastern Europe--Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus. Together they comprise the epicentre of Soviet war suffering, and the heartland of the Soviet war myth. The contributions give insight into the persistence of the Soviet commemorative culture of World War II and the myth of the Great Patriotic War in the post-Soviet space. The volume also demonstrates that due to various geopolitical, cultural, and historical reasons the political uses of World War II in post-Soviet Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus differ significantly, with important ramifications for future developments in the region and beyond.

The paper deals with the problem of representation of the Russian regions in the upper house of the Parliament. The aim of the study is to consider the regions' participation in the Federation Council's activities through changing the legislation on the formation of this body of authority. The author used logical, comparative, systematic and historical methods. The result is a comparative analysis of the legislation on the formation of the Federal Council, and the influence of its changing on the nature of representation of the regions in "the House of Regions". The author makes a conclusion that the regions are not represented adequately, the formation of the Federal Council is not democratic, and the increasing of the constitutional powers is necessary for improving of the status of this body of authority in the Russian political system. ; Статья посвящена проблеме представительства субъектов Российской Федерации в верхней палате российского парламента. Цель данного исследования – рассмотреть участие российских регионов в деятельности Совета Федерации Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации через призму изменения законодательства о порядке формирования данного государственного органа. В качестве теоретической основы исследования были применены такие методы как общелогический, сравнительный, системный, исторический. Результатом исследования стал сравнительный анализ федерального законодательства о порядке формирования Совета Федерации и влияние его изменений на характер представительства субъектов Российской Федерации в «палате регионов». В итоге автор делает вывод о недостаточном на данный момент региональном характере верхней палаты российского парламента и о невысокой степени демократичности процедуры ее формирования, а также о необходимости увеличения конституционных полномочий Совета Федерации для повышения статуса и роли данного государственного органа в российской политической системе.

This book explores the extent to which and the reasons why Russias citizens harbor feelings of nostalgia for the Soviet Union today. Based on the results of a nationwide survey and rigorous field research carried out within several of Russias regions, Dr. Sullivan uncovers material and cultural rationales for this sentiment of nostalgia which poses both an opportunity and a challenge to the Russian government. With Russian nationalism and revanchism a resurgent force in contemporary global affairs, this detailed study will interest scholars of international relations and of populist authoritarianism around the world

This scientific work was written because the theme of political parties is interesting to me. The reason for my interest in political parties is the relevance of this legal institution. As stated at the outset, it is the political parties that determine the political life of the state, and hence the economic and social life of the country. The purpose of my research is to study the degree of influence of political parties on the economy and social life, in the study of the essence of the influence of political parties on the life of the state. The scientific work examines the history of the emergence and development of political parties in Russia. In scientific work political parties of the Russian Federation, political parties of Latvia are considered, compared and correlated. Political systems of two different countries are compared and correlated. The purpose of this analysis is to identify the General rules and principles of development and existence of political parties.