Suchergebnisse

La implementación de un modelo de gestión de la calidad como ISO 9001 o NTCGP 1000 desarrolla capacidades institucionales para entender y responder en forma consistente a las expectativas de un grupo de interés clave para las organizaciones, como lo son sus clientes. Se plantea la posibilidad entonces de que esas capacidades ya desarrolladas se puedan utilizar para gestionar las relaciones de una organización con otras de sus partes interesadas, como las que se plantean en la Guía sobre Responsabilidad Social GTC 180 desde un punto de vista que considera a la responsabilidad social como una frontera ampliada de la gestión de la calidad.La presente investigación explora las posibilidades de articulación entre el sistema de gestión de la calidad implementado en municipios colombianos del departamento del Valle del Cauca bajo el modelo NTCGP 1000 y el modelo de responsabilidad social colombiano GTC 180, a partir de las capacidades desarrolladas en la implementación del sistema de gestión de la calidad.Para ello se utilizó el método de investigación descriptiva determinando los principios, los elementos y las prácticas que puedan contribuir a la articulación y facilitar la implementación de la responsabilidad social en los municipios, a partir de la identificación de los elementos de convergencia, divergencia y complementariedad en los planteamientos de estas dos normas.Se determinó la percepción de la población interna y externa de los municipios incluidos en el estudio, para obtener información sobre la forma como opera el sistema de gestión de la calidad y sobre su conocimiento de diversos aspectos de la responsabilidad social.Finalmente, se elaboró una propuesta metodológica para la implementación de la responsabilidad social, con base en la guía GCT 180, en los municipios que tengan implementado un sistema de gestión de la calidad con base en la NTCGP 1000. ; Implementing a model of quality management whether ISO 9001 or NTCGP 1000, develops the institutional capacity to understand and respond consistently to the expectations of an interested party such as customers, very important for any organization. It raises the possibility that these capabilities can be used to manage an organization's relationships with its other interested parties, such as those arising in the Guide to Social Responsibility GTC 180, under a perspective which views social responsibility as an extended frontier of quality management.This research explores the possibilities for linking the quality management system implemented in Colombian municipalities of Valle del Cauca under the NTCGP 1000 model and the Colombian GTP 180 model for social responsibility, based on skills developed in the implementation of the quality management system.We used the descriptive research method of determining the principles, elements, and practices that may contribute to the articulation and can facilitate the implementation of social responsibility in the municipalities, based on the identification of the elements of convergence, divergence and complementarities in the approaches of these two standards.We determined the perception of the internal and external population of the municipalities included in the study, for information on how the quality management system operates and on their knowledge of various aspects of social responsibility.Finally we developed a methodology for the implementation of social responsibility based on the GCT 180 guide in municipalities that have implemented a quality management system based on NTCGP 1000.

The reintegration of former armed group affiliates into formal politics is a fundamental challenge for post-conflict societies. Arguably, this challenge is even more difficult in settings where ethnic discrimination is pervasive, since discrimination implies comparatively higher barriers to political reintegration for racialized ex-combatants. In this paper, we explore how ethnicity and armed group affiliation interact to shape electoral prospects. Specifically, we investigate whether participants in a conjoint experiment in Colombia discriminate between political candidates of European and African descent and whether politicians of different ethnic identities are differentially punished for ties to armed groups. We find that participants display a strong aversion toward politicians with armed group affiliations and that they discriminate against Afro-Colombian candidates. Furthermore, we demonstrate that biases are additive, in the sense that Caucasian and Afro-Colombian candidates are equally punished for associating with armed groups. Finally, we explore heterogeneous treatment effects to shed light on sources of ethnic discrimination and aversion toward former armed group affiliates.

El ciclo reciente de protestas sociales en Colombia ha puesto en el centro del debate la necesidad de emprender ajustes institucionales encaminados a brindar mayores garantías a un derecho fundamental que cada vez más ciudadanos están dispuestos a ejercer. No obstante, la respuesta de las autoridades ha ido en contravía de este clamor. Bajo el supuesto que toda protesta es violenta y desordenada, varios tomadores de decisión han formulado iniciativas que endurecen aún más la respuesta estatal. En este artículo, evaluamos la validez de este supuesto. A partir de un modelo de regresión multinomial que toma una muestra de 22.167 eventos de protesta registrados entre 1975 y 2016, se analizan las variables que influyen en el uso de unos repertorios sobre otros. Los resultados muestran que la violencia es una táctica marginal y que la probabilidad de que sea usada está asociada a pocas variables en las que la presencia de los grupos armados ilegales no parece tener mayor relevancia.

This article challenges conventional explanations why Colombia, a country emerging from an armed internal conflict but still with multiple challenges, should participate in United Nations' multidimensional peace operations. While Colombian official rationale maintains that contribution to peacekeeping is a common stage for countries within a post-peace agreement scenario to gain worldwide recognition, to improve legitimacy, and to establish an alternative source of funding, international experience suggests that the occurrence of several other circumstances is necessary before making such a commitment. The results of a statistical analysis show how the level of implementation of the peace agreement, as well as disarmament, demobilization, reintegration, addressing minority rights, and solving issues with criminal groups are fundamental for deciding on participation in peace operations. Additionally, while international missions may be considered a way of enhancing diplomacy, cautious assessments should be made to determine the military capabilities needed to balance national interests and foreign policy without fostering a regional security dilemma.

Socio-political instability is considered as an obstacle for economic and social development of countries. Therefore, Political violence as a feature of socio-political instability is a significant development constraint that generates economic problems, limits public and private investments, and damages the country's infrastructure. This paper offers an explanation for political violence and economic development through an empirical analysis of Colombian departments that includes factors such as social conditions and narcotrafficking. We use multiple datasets to measure political violence and economic development, and we employ panel fixed-effects Driscoll and Kraay regressions and Generalized Method of Moments Estimation (GMM) for a sample of Colombian departments over the period 2000-2014. In the political violence model, we find that the aggregate-level production per capita, education, arrests and health coverage have a negative effect on political violence, whereas GINI, unemployment rate, illegal drugs and displaced population have a positive effect on violence. In the economic development model, political violence, armed actions and corruption have a negative effect on economic development, whereas population, saving, employment, political participation, manufacturing and production have a positive effect on economic development. The findings demonstrate the importance of implementing social policies and strategies against political violence to increase economic growth and development, productivity, political participation and security for the population across Colombia's departments. ; peer-reviewed

The present paper attempts to understand the process of resistance and struggle of the Colombian indigenous people Awá at the international level to confront the problems related to the Colombian internal armed conflict in the period between 2009 and 2014. In order to reach this goal, fieldwork with the Awá community in the Llorente district of San Andrés de Tumaco (Nariño Department) was indispensable, in which information gathering techniques were used as group interviews with leaders of the community, who contributed to the construction of this article. In this way, the study shows that the struggle for the defense of the Awá indigenous peoples' rights has been mediated by the creation of transnational defense networks and the subordinate instrumentalization of international law, in a context where the political strategy of internalization of the indigenous cause has taken off. ; El presente texto pretende comprender cómo se ha desarrollado el proceso de resistencia y lucha del pueblo indígena Awá en el plano internacional, frente a las problemáticas ligadas con el conflicto armado interno colombiano en el período comprendido entre 2009 y 2014. Para alcanzar este propósito fue indispensable la realización de un trabajo de campo con la comunidad Awá en el corregimiento de Llorente, San Andrés de Tumaco (departamento de Nariño), en el que se pusieron en práctica técnicas de recolección de la información como entrevistas grupales a líderes de la comunidad que aportaron a la construcción de este escrito. De esta manera, el estudio evidencia que la lucha del pueblo indígena Awá por la defensa de sus derechos ha estado mediada por la creación de redes transnacionales de defensa y la instrumentalización subalterna del derecho internacional en un contexto en el que la estrategia política de internalización de la causa indígena ha tomado vuelo.