The section examines the colonial history of Asia and Africa, as well as key periods and directions of colonization. The authors analyze the features of the colonial political systems, processes of power distribution, the relationships between colonies and metropolis. Particular attention is paid to the strengthening of Asia and Africa in the final period of colonialism, as well as the impact of the Second World War and a new system of international relations on the process of decolonization. ; В разделе анализируется история стран Востока в период колониализма, а также этапы и направления колонизации. Авторы исследуют особенности колониальных политических систем, процессы раздела влияния, взаимоотношения колоний и метрополий. Особое внимание уделено усилению международно-политического влияния Азии и Африки на завершающем этапе колониализма, а также влияние Второй мировой войны и новой системы международных отношений на процессы деколонизации.
This article is devoted to final period of colonial epoch in British East Africa. Situation in Nyasaland, a part of Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in 1950s, is at the center of attention. Methodological approaches of this article are principles of new social history. This article is based on the "Nyasaland Times", the main newspaper of this colony, published in Blantyre. This article characterizes daily life of white inhabitants of Nyasaland, their leisure. The author paid attention to lady`s world in Nyasaland, he concludes that this world developed under the influence of British colonial standards. An analysis of economic problems of Nyasaland, its role in economic structure of Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland has an important place in this article. Materials of "Nyasaland Times" show that the top of colony was not agree with the role of agrarian periphery in Federation and tried to find new ways to bring money to regional budget. They tried to use resource potential of territory, to develop local industry. The article proves that white inhabitants wanted to unite for the struggle against political activity of African Congress of Nyasaland. They connected this fact with activity of Soviet Union and its allies in Africa in 1950s. The top of white inhabitants also proved that exit of Europeans from Africa led to many social and economic troubles for black population of continent. The author proves that this newspaper is an important historical source on the history of colonial society in Nyasaland. ; Статья посвящена заключительному этапу истории британского колониализма в Восточной Африке. В центре внимания – ситуация в Ньясаленде, который в 1950-е гг. являлся частью Федерации Родезии и Ньясаленда. В основе методологических установок автора данной статьи лежат подходы, характерные для «новой социальной истории». Статья базируется на материалах крупнейшей газеты колонии «Ньясаленд Таймс», издававшейся в Блантайре. Охарактеризованы повседневная жизнь белых поселенцев в Ньясаленде, их досуг. Уделено внимание миру леди, показано, что он развивался под влиянием стандартов, существовавших в Британской империи. Особое место занимает анализ экономических проблем Ньясаленда, охарактеризовано его место в экономической структуре Федерации Родезии и Ньясаленда. Материалы «Ньясаленд Таймс» позволяют сделать вывод о том, что верхушка белых поселенцев была недовольна ролью Ньясаленда в Федерации как аграрно-сырьевого придатка и активно искала новые источники пополнения бюджета. Предпринимались попытки использования ресурсного потенциала территории, развития ее промышленности для пополнения местного бюджета. В статье доказано, что белые поселенцы Ньясаленда пытались сплотиться в условиях активизации деятельности Африканского конгресса Ньясаленда в 1950-е гг. Они связывали это явление с усилением внимания к Африке со стороны Советского Союза и его партнеров по социалистическому блоку. При этом верхушка белых поселенцев уже в 1950-е гг. указывала на то, что уход европейцев из Африки вызовет обострение социально-экономических проблем, с которыми будет крайне трудно справиться черному большинству. На основе проведенного исследования сделан вывод о том, что «Ньясаленд Таймс» является важным источником по истории колониального общества Ньясаленда.
The specific of development of South African society was in a great deal predefined by the level of socially-historical development of the South African region to colonial encroachment, and by the features of the transformations introduced southward the African continent by the English colonialists. The colonial past of South Africa continues to be saved in memory and psychology of new generations of native population. And for the best comprehension of socio-political difficulties into that the people of this region run on the modern stage of their development, it is necessary from positions of retrospective analysis to study the process of colonization and influence of methods of her realization on a political, socio-economic and cultural situation in South Africa.
The article is devoted to the final stage in the history of the colonial press of British West Africa. The publication is based on materials from newspapers published in the 1940s — 1950s in Nigeria and Gambia. These publications are stored at the Library of Congress. The authors argue that periodicals are an important historical source for characterizing the processes of political, economic and socio-cultural modernization of Tropical Africa. ; Статья посвящена заключительному этапу в истории колониальной прессы Британской Западной Африки. Публикация базируется на материалах газет, издававшихся в 1940–1950е гг. в Нигерии и Гамбии. Данные издания хранятся в Библиотеке Конгресса США. Автор доказывает, что периодическая печать является важным историческим источником для характеристики процессов политической, экономической и социокультурной модернизации тропической Африки.
The historical memory of the French about the collapse of the French colonial empire is controversial and situational. The apologetic version of historical memory interprets French colonialism as the civilizational mission of France on the Black Continent. This version is based on mythologemes formulated by C. de Gaulle and his associates J. Foccart, F. Houphouët-Boigny and others. This is the approach to the historical past that informs the official historical narrative and memorial policy of the Fifth Republic. To a degree, all the presidents of the French Republic from J. Chirac to E. Macron remain faithful to it. This "patriotic version" of the national history provides the ideological foundation for Champs Elysee's policies toward African nations. These policies, collectively known as "France-Afrique", represent a latent mechanism for preserving economic and political dependence of the Tropical Africa's nations on their former colonial master. An alternative version of historical memory interprets colonialism as a crime against humanity, and the African policy of the Champs Elysees as a special form of neocolonialism, designed to promote France's political and economic preferences in the countries that were formerly its colonies. This intellectual tradition is cultivated in the work of F.-X. Verschave and other researchers, members of the non-governmental organization "Survie". ; Историческая память французов о французской колониальной империи и ее распаде противоречива и ситуативна. Апологетическая версия исторической памяти трактует французский колониализм как цивилизаторскую миссию Франции на Черном континенте. В основе этой версии лежат мифологемы, сформулированные Ш. де Голлем и его сподвижниками Ж. Фоккаром, Ф. Уфуэ-Буаньи и др. Такой подход к оценке исторического прошлого влияет на официальную политику памяти Пятой республики. В той или иной степени ему сохраняют верность все президенты Французской республики от Ж. Ширака до Э. Макрона. На идеологической платформе этой «патриотической версии» национальной истории Французской Республики выстраиваются политические практики Елисейского дворца в африканских странах. Эти практики, получившие название «Франсафрик», представляют собой латентный механизм сохранения экономической и политической зависимости стран Тропической Африки от бывшей метрополии. Альтернативная версия исторической памяти трактует колониализм как преступление против человечества, а африканскую политику Елисейского дворца - как особую форму неоколониализма, призванную обеспечить политические и экономические преференции Франции в странах, бывших ранее ее колониями. Эта интеллектуальная традиция конструируется усилиями Ф.-К. Вершава и его единомышленников - исследователей, объединенных в неправительственной общественной организации «Выживание» («Survie»).
Neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) have long been overlooked in the global health agenda. The article is intended to generate information in consideration of the history of colonization of tropical countries with a special focus on tropical diseases especially common in the army during colonial wars and throughout the colonial era. Extreme poverty and warm tropical climates are the two most potent forces promoting the spread of neglected tropical diseases. European colonial doctors made valuable contribution towards understanding them and discovery these diseases. Large outbreaks of infectious and tropical diseases occurred in the Army throughout the colonial era, strongly influenced the formation of the Army Medical Services including provision for teaching and research. Subsequent improvements in prevention, diagnosis and treatment reduced the mortality from tropical diseases. Now in an era of "globalized" environment of interdependent trade, travel, migration, and international economic markets, many factors play an important role in the rise, emergence, and reemergence of tropical infectious disease, which necessitates a coordinated, global response. Many of the emerging and reemerging infectious diseases are also "neglected," meaning they impact the world's poorest and lack adequate funding and innovation for prevention and treatment, with some not adequately identified or studied. Although progress has been made in the management of neglected disease, there remains much work to be done. During the coming decade the global response will be able to further build on today's successes, align with the new global health and development frameworks. ; В статье рассматриваются исторические аспекты формирования тропической медицины, которая прошла путь от формального накопления знаний о тропической патологии, их предварительного анализа до открытия возбудителей и научного поиска мер борьбы. Широкий видовой спектр возбудителей паразитозов, благоприятный жаркий тропический климат в совокупности с низким ...
В нашей статье философский анализ будет проводиться на двух взаимосвязанных уровнях. Прежде всего на уровне эпистемологии мы рассмотрим фундаментальные понятия течений внутри лингвистического структурализма, которые мы объединим под общим названием «ранний структурализм», в историческом контексте раннесоветского периода, чтобы затем выяснить их значение в рамках теорий действия, социальной и политической философии как в Европе, так и в (пост)колониальном мире. Согласно нашей главной гипотезе, язык –– это указатель социальных интересов, чья взаимосвязь меняется в зависимости от властных отношений, которые в свою очередь косвенно влияют на язык. ; In this paper, our analysis lays on two different levels. Firstly, we discuss the central concepts of the early Russian structuralism within an epistemological framework focusing on the way in which linguistic knowledge is structured. In order to achieve this goal, we mobilize the concept of episteme developed by Michel Foucault in his works The Order of Things (1966) and The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969). This Foucauldian approach leads us to highlight a new episteme which is different from those that Foucault described in the Order of Things. Secondly, we analyze the political and social implications of this epistemological approach in the context of European and (post)colonial history. We highlight the material "action" of the linguistic knowledge under discussion. This second dimension of our approach is important insofar it represents a critic of the idea according to which the theoretical knowledge is separated from praxis. Our hypothesis is that the language constitutes a marker of particular social interests, which are overdetermined by power relations.
В нашей статье философский анализ будет проводиться на двух взаимосвязанных уровнях. Прежде всего на уровне эпистемологии мы рассмотрим фундаментальные понятия течений внутри лингвистического структурализма, которые мы объединим под общим названием «ранний структурализм», в историческом контексте раннесоветского периода, чтобы затем выяснить их значение в рамках теорий действия, социальной и политической философии как в Европе, так и в (пост)колониальном мире. Согласно нашей главной гипотезе, язык –– это указатель социальных интересов, чья взаимосвязь меняется в зависимости от властных отношений, которые в свою очередь косвенно влияют на язык. ; In this paper, our analysis lays on two different levels. Firstly, we discuss the central concepts of the early Russian structuralism within an epistemological framework focusing on the way in which linguistic knowledge is structured. In order to achieve this goal, we mobilize the concept of episteme developed by Michel Foucault in his works The Order of Things (1966) and The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969). This Foucauldian approach leads us to highlight a new episteme which is different from those that Foucault described in the Order of Things. Secondly, we analyze the political and social implications of this epistemological approach in the context of European and (post)colonial history. We highlight the material "action" of the linguistic knowledge under discussion. This second dimension of our approach is important insofar it represents a critic of the idea according to which the theoretical knowledge is separated from praxis. Our hypothesis is that the language constitutes a marker of particular social interests, which are overdetermined by power relations.
Academic3 space in its different manifestations has been taking an honorable position in social structure from the earliest stages of the history of human civilization by systematizing multitude experiences of both external and internal world of humankind. At the same time, educational landscape was formulating the different ways of how to theorize about and interact with the world. Simultaneously, there was always combating with the alternative systems and, what is more, this struggle wasn't necessarily intellectual or polemical. Little has changed in how society perceives academy and its functions in the era of accomplished digital revolution, including its role as an instrument of surveillance and social sorting – these two important elements of power. In this article, an attempt is taken to comprehend University – and speaking broadly academic space as such – as a special kind of social and political field used to perform surveillance and social control. On the example of colonial colleges in the USA, this article examines how University may serve as a surveillance mechanism on the one hand and as a mean of cultural transformation on the other hand, and what conclusions can be made regarding the present and the future of University in the digital era. ; Академическое пространство в различных своих манифестациях с ранней истории человечества занимает почётное место в структуре социума, систематизируя многообразие опыта о внешнем и внутреннем мирах человека. В то же время образовательная среда формулировала разнообразные способы осмысления и взаимодействия человека с миром, вступая в борьбу с альтернативными системами, причём борьба эта не обязательно носила интеллектуальный и полемический характер. Мало что изменилось в статусе академии и в эпоху свершившейся цифровой революции, в том числе в отношении дисциплинарных практик академии как инструмента надзора и социального сортирования – двух важных элементов власти. В статье предпринимается попытка осмысления университета в роли особого культурно-политического ...
In February 2018 was 120 years of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Russia and Ethiopia. As you know, the Ethiopian Empire was one of the first countries in Africa with which the Russian Empire established diplomatic relations. In 1917, after the Great October Revolution, official relations between the Ethiopian Empire and the USSR were suspended and resumed only in 1943. Thus, Ethiopia became not only the first country in Africa with which Russia established official diplomatic ties, but also a window to Africa. Before the 60s of XX century, the freedom fighters of Africa and students who received a scholarship to study in the universities of the USSR were forced to travel through Ethiopia, because the colonial authorities did not allow their arrival in the country of the Soviets. The publication is devoted to the history of training national personnel for Ethiopiain Russia in the last period of the XIX and the beginning of the 20th century.
The article is devoted to Italian cultural policy on the Islands of the Dodecanese archipelago, captured by Italy during the war against Turkey in 1911—1912 and officially recognized as Italian proficiency (Italian Aegean Islands) in accordance with the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 ; Статья посвящена итальянской культурной политике на островах Додеканесского архипелага, захваченного Италией в ходе войны с Турцией в 1911—1912 гг. и официально признанного итальянским владением (Итальянские острова Эгейского моря) в соответствии с Лозаннским договором 1923 года
The purpose of the article is to reveal the negative aspects of using the term "empire" to characterize the Russian state and determine its geopolitical nature. The research is based on the achievements of a linguistic turn in socio-humanitarian studies, which have not yet been adequately taken into account in legal science. Leximes, as units of a particular language, do not simply denote certain phenomena of the surrounding world, but function as peculiar entities that determine the horizons of a native speaker, a particular picture of the world including value preferences and attitudes. It is recognized that in social communication don't function abstract definitions, but rather concepts that predetermine the real content of discourse. Attention is drawn to the fact that in modern scientific and public discourse there is a process of revival of the term "empire" in the positive sense of the word. But the foreign term "empire" and the corresponding concept "empire" are not relevant to Russia, because they do not reflect the actual history of the emergence and formation of the Russian state. In the chronological framework of the New Age and Modern History, it is proposed to introduce a fundamental difference between colonial empires and territorial powers. On the one hand, it will be objective to say about the British and Russian empires that they used to have a vast territory with a populations that were diverse in ethnic, religious and cultural aspects. But, on the other hand, in form and essence, these were different territorial and political entities. In the course of deliberately obscuring this difference, a political myth was created about Russia as a "prison of peoples", which, unfortunately, was accepted by the majority of the domestic intelligentsia. In relation to the issue of ratio between the concepts of "empire" and "state" the conclusion has been made about the need to overcome the compiling-imitative style of Russia's development, which should be manifested in a more careful attitude to the ...